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Agincourti lahing

Agincourti lahing

25. oktoobril 1415 viis Inglismaa ja Prantsusmaa vahelise saja-aastase sõja (1337-1453) ajal Inglismaa noor kuningas Henry V (1386-1422) oma väed Põhja-Prantsusmaal Agincourti lahingus võidule. Pärast edasisi vallutusi Prantsusmaal tunnistati Henry V 1420. aastal Prantsusmaa troonipärijaks ja Prantsusmaa regendiks.

Agincourti lahing: taust

Kaks kuud enne Agincourti lahingu algust ületas kuningas Henry V umbes 11 000 mehega La Manche'i väina ja piiras Harfleuri Normandias. Viie nädala pärast alistus linn, kuid Henry kaotas pooled oma meestest haiguste ja lahinguohvrite tõttu. Ta otsustas marssida oma armee kirdesse Calais'sse, kus ta kohtub Inglise laevastikuga ja naaseb Inglismaale. Agincourtis seisis aga tema teel suur prantsuse armee, kus oli umbes 20 000 meest, ületades suuresti kurnatud inglise vibulaskjaid, rüütleid ja relvastatud mehi.

Agincourti lahing: 25. oktoober 1415

Lahinguväli asus 1000 jardi avamaal kahe metsa vahel, mis takistas suuremahulisi manöövreid ja töötas seega Henry kasuks. 25. oktoobri hommikul algas lahing. Inglased seisid oma koha peal, kui prantsuse rüütlid, keda nende raske soomusrüü raskendas, alustasid aeglast edasiliikumist üle porise lahinguvälja. Prantslasi tabas raevukas suurtükiväe pommitamine Inglise vibulaskjatelt, kes kasutasid uuenduslikke pikavibusid 250 jardi kaugusega. Prantsuse ratsaväelased üritasid ja ei suutnud inglaste positsioone ületada, kuid vibulaskjaid kaitses teravate vaiade rida. Kui üha rohkem prantsuse rüütleid tungles rahvarohkele lahinguväljale, vähenes nende liikuvus veelgi ja mõnel puudus isegi ruum käte tõstmiseks ja löögi andmiseks. Siinkohal käskis Henry oma kergevarustusega vibulaskjatel mõõkade ja kirvestega edasi tormata ning koormamata inglased tapsid prantslased.

Agincourti lahingus kaotas elu ligi 6000 prantslast, samas kui Inglise ohvreid oli mitusada. Vaatamata tõenäosusele tema vastu oli Henry võitnud sõjaajaloo ühe suure võidu.

Agincourti lahing: tagajärjed

Pärast edasisi vallutusi Prantsusmaal tunnistati Henry V 1420. aastal Prantsusmaa troonipärijaks ja Prantsusmaa regendiks. Ta oli jõudude tipul, kuid suri vaid kaks aastat hiljem Pariisi lähedal laagripalavikku.


Agincourti lahing - taust:

Aastal 1414 alustas Inglismaa kuningas Henry V oma aadlikega arutelusid sõja uuendamise kohta Prantsusmaaga, et kinnitada oma nõudmist Prantsuse troonile. Ta pidas seda väidet oma vanaisa Edward III kaudu, kes alustas saja -aastast sõda aastal 1337. Esialgu vastumeelselt julgustasid nad kuningat prantslastega läbirääkimisi pidama. Seda tehes oli Henry valmis loobuma oma nõudest Prantsuse troonile 1,6 miljoni krooni eest (silmapaistev lunaraha Prantsuse kuninga Johannes II eest - vallutati Poitiers'is 1356. aastal), samuti Prantsuse tunnustusest Inglismaa ülemvõimu üle okupeeritud maade üle aastal. Prantsusmaa.

Nende hulka kuulusid Touraine, Normandia, Anjou, Flandria, Bretagne ja Akvitaania. Tehingu sõlmimiseks oli Henry nõus abielluma krooniliselt hullumeelse kuninga Charles VI noore tütre printsess Katariinaga, kui ta saab 2 miljoni kroonise kaasavara. Arvestades neid nõudeid liiga kõrgeteks, astusid prantslased vastu 600 000 kroonise kaasavara ja pakkumisega loovutada maad Akvitaanias. Läbirääkimised peatusid kiiresti, kuna prantslased keeldusid kaasavara suurendamast. Kuna kõnelused olid ummikseisus ja end Prantsuse tegude tõttu isiklikult solvatuna, palus Henry edukalt sõda 19. aprillil 1415. Ümberringi armee kokku pannes ületas Henry umbes 10 500 mehega La Manche'i kanali ja maandus 13. augustil 14/14 Harfleuri lähedal.


Agincourti lahing - AJALUGU

Inglismaa võit Agincourti lahingus sünnitas legendi, mis jäädvustati William Shakespeare'i filmis Kuningas Henry V. Lahing toimus mudas talupidaja põllul Põhja-Prantsusmaal 25. oktoobril 1415 ja oli üks Prantsusmaa ja Inglismaa vaheliste kohtumiste seeriast, mis on saanud tuntuks kui saja-aastane sõda (1337-1453).

Lugu algab kaks kuud enne lahingut. Henry ja tema armee olid maandunud Prantsusmaal 14. augustil Seine'i jõe suudme lähedal. Eesmärk oli taastada sajandite jooksul Prantsusmaale kaotatud Inglismaa territoorium. Esimene ülesanne oli piirata ja vallutada lähedal asuv linn. Henry oli edukas, kuid aeganõudev pingutus võttis aega üle kuu. Nüüd oli oktoobri algus. Henry mõistis, et tema vähene jõud ja kampaaniahooajale jäänud piiratud aeg tähendavad, et ta ei saa prantslaste vastu oma rünnakut survestada. Selle asemel juhatas ta oma armeed põhja poole ja & quotshow of force & quot, mis lõppes Inglise Calais sadamas ja asus tagasi Inglismaale.

Henry V ajal
lahing. Tema soeng pakub
mugavam istuvus
tema lahingukiivri eest.
Kui Inglise armee marssis põhja poole, tabas teda prantsuse vägi, kes kavatses Henry lahingusse tuua. Prantslased suutsid Henryst ette libiseda ja Agincourtis tema tee mere äärde tõkestada. 25. oktoobri hommikul seisid kaks armeed vastamisi hiljuti küntud põllul, mis oli üleöö vihma käes ja mille mõlemal küljel olid metsad. Suurema osa Henry armeest moodustasid vibulaskjad, ülejäänud osa soomusrüütlitest, kes võitlesid jalgsi. Tema vastase vägi koosnes peamiselt rüütlitest, kes võitlesid jalgsi ja hobusega, mida toetasid vibulaskjad. Kuigi hinnangud kahe armee suhtelise tugevuse kohta on erinevad, ei ole ühtegi argumenti, et inglased oleksid tohutult üle.

Kaks vaenlast seisid vastamisi, vahetades mõnitusi rünnaku esilekutsumiseks. Henry marssis oma väge piisavalt lähedale, et laskurid saaksid prantslaste pihta noolte rahe. Prantsuse rüütlid ründasid ettepoole, et nad jääksid libedale mudaveele. Asja teeb veelgi hullemaks see, et prantsuse ründajad ei suutnud lahingumõõka tõhusalt õõtsutada lahinguvälja tiheda veerandi ja kaaslaste jätkuva edasiliikumise tõttu. Henry vibulaskjad tulistasid sellesse tihedasse inimkonda surmavaid nooltorme, kuni prantslased hakkasid taganema. Seejärel lasid vibulaskjad vibud maha, noppisid relvad, mida nad leidsid, ja ühinesid Inglise rüütlitega, kes tapsid oma vaenlase. Loojuv päike jättis lahinguvälja kuhjaga tuhandete prantsuse rüütlite surnukehade ja Prantsusmaa valitseva klassi koorega. Inglased olid oma vaenlasele katastroofilise löögi andnud.

". nende hobused komistasid panuste vahel ja vibulaskjad tapsid nad kiiresti."

Jehan de Wavrin oli flaami rüütli poeg. Tema isa ja vanem vend võitlesid lahingus prantslastega. Mõlemad tapeti. Noor de Wavrin jälgis lahingut Prantsuse liinidelt ja me ühineme tema kontoga, kui kaks armeed lahinguks valmistuvad:

. Prantslased olid oma pataljonid paigutanud kahe väikese tihniku ​​vahele, millest üks asus Agincourti lähedal ja teine ​​Tramecourtis. Koht oli kitsas ja inglastele väga kasulik ning prantslaste jaoks vastupidi väga hävitav, sest prantslased olid kogu öö hobuse seljas olnud ja sadas vihma ning lehed, peigmehed ja teised juhtisid hobuste kohta oli murdnud maapinna, mis oli nii pehme, et hobused suutsid vaevaliselt mullast välja astuda. Ja ka nimetatud prantslased olid soomustest nii koormatud, et ei suutnud end ülal pidada ega edasi liikuda. Esiteks olid nad relvastatud pikkade teraskihtidega, ulatudes põlvedeni või allapoole, ja väga rasked üle jalarihmade ning lisaks plaatrüüdele olid enamikul neist ka kapuutsiga kiivrid, mistõttu see soomusrüü oli pehme märg maa hoidis neid, nagu öeldud, nagu liikumatuid, nii et nad saaksid oma dubasid tõsta ainult suurte raskustega ja kõigi nende pahandustega oli see, et enamik neist oli näljast ja unest vaevatud.

. Tuleme nüüd tagasi inglise keele juurde. Pärast kahe armee vahelise kõne lõpetamist ja delegaatide tagasipöördumist, kumbki oma rahva juurde, oli Inglismaa kuningas, kes oli määranud rüütli, kelle nimi oli Sir Thomas Erpingham, et asetada oma vibulaskjad kahe tiiva ette, täielikult talle usaldatuna, ja Sir Thomas, et teha oma osa, manitses kõiki kuninga nimel hästi hakkama, paludes neil võidelda jõuliselt prantslaste vastu, et kindlustada ja päästa oma elu. Ja nii rüütel, kes sõitis koos kahe teisega ainult pataljoni ees, nähes, et tund on käes, sest kõik asjad on hästi korraldatud, heitis teatepulga, mida ta käes hoidis, öeldes: „Nestrocq” '], mis oli signaal rünnakuks, astus seejärel maha ja ühines kuningaga, kes oli samuti oma meeste keskel jalgsi, oma lipukesega ees.

Kaasaegne lahingu kujutis.
Agincourt seisab taustal.
Siis hakkasid inglased seda signaali nähes ootamatult marssima, kuuldes väga valju nuttu, mis prantslasi väga üllatas. Ja kui inglased nägid, et prantslased neile ei lähene, marssisid nad väga heas järjekorras tormakalt nende poole ja tõstsid uuesti valjuhäälselt hinge kinni pidades.

Siis nägid inglise vibulaskjad, kes, nagu ma olen öelnud, tiibadel, nägid, et nad on piisavalt lähedal, ja hakkasid suure hooga oma nooli prantslastele saatma.

Siis nägid prantslased, et nad näevad inglasi sel viisil nende poole, seadnud end kokku, kõik tema lipu all, kiivrid peas. Konstaabel, marssal, admiralid ja teised vürstid manitsesid oma mehi tõsiselt võitlema inglastega hästi ja vapralt ning lähenedes kõlasid pasunad ja klaarid kõikjal, kuid prantslased hakkasid pead kinni hoidma, eriti need, kes tal polnud nööpe, inglise noolte tormakuse tõttu, mis langesid nii tugevasti, et keegi ei julgenud end avastada ega üles vaadata.

Nii läksid nad natuke edasi, siis taganesid veidi, kuid enne kui nad jõudsid sulgeda, olid paljud prantslased puudega ja nooltega haavatud ning kui nad jõudsid inglaste juurde, olid nad, nagu öeldud, , surusid üksteise vastu nii tihedalt, et ükski neist ei suutnud vaenlaste löömiseks käsi tõsta, välja arvatud mõned, kes olid ees.

[Prantsuse rüütlid] tabasid neid inglise vibulaskjaid, kelle panused olid nende ees fikseeritud. nende oma. hobused komistasid panuste vahel ja vibulaskjad tapsid nad kiiresti, millest oli väga kahju. Ja enamik ülejäänud, hirmu tõttu, andsid teed ja langesid tagasi oma eesotsasse, kellele nad olid suureks takistuseks ja avasid mitmel pool oma auastmeid ning panid nad kukkuma ja kaotama oma koha mõnel äsja külvatud maal. hobused olid noolte tõttu nii haavatud, et mehed ei saanud nendega enam hakkama.

[Prantslased] ilma relvadeta mehed hakkasid langema ja nende hobused, kes tundsid neid tabavaid nooli, lendasid vaenlase ette ja nende eeskujul pöördusid paljud prantslased põgenema. Varsti pärast seda viskasid inglise vibulaskjad, nähes nende varjualuse tagant välja raputatud avangardi, oma vibud ja vitsad minema, võtsid mõõgad, mütsid, vitsad, kirved, pistrikud ja muud relvad ning surusid kohtadesse, kus nad nägid neid rikkumisi, lõid maha ja tapsid need prantslased halastamatult ning ei lakanud kunagi tapmast, kuni nimetatud eesrindlane, kes oli vähe võidelnud või üldse mitte, oli täielikult rabatud, ja need tabasid paremale ja vasakule, kuni nad tulid teisele pataljonile , mis oli eelvalve taga ja seal viskas kuningas isiklikult oma relvameestega võitlusse.

Kui inglased jätkasid ülemvõimu saavutamist, sai kuningas Henry uudiseid, et prantslased ründasid tema armee tagaosas ja Prantsuse abiväed lähenevad. Kuningas Henry käskis kõik Prantsuse vangid mõõga alla panna - käsku, mida tema rüütlid ei soovinud järgida, sest kui neid hoitakse elus, võivad need vangid tuua terve lunaraha:

"Kui Inglismaa kuningas nägi nende tulekut, avaldas ta, et igaüks, kellel on vang, peaks ta viivitamatult tapma, mida need, kellel oli, ei tahtnud seda teha, sest nad ootasid nende eest suuri lunaraha. Aga kui kuningat sellest teavitati, määras ta härrasmehe koos kahesaja vibulaskjaga, kelle ta käskis peremehelt läbi minna ja tappa kõik vangid, olgu nad siis millised tahes. See esquire täitis viivitamata ja vastuväideteta oma suveräänse isanda käsu, mis oli kõige haletsusväärsem, sest külmavereliselt lõigati pea maha ja lõigati ebainimlikult tükkideks kogu Prantsusmaa aadel, ja kogu selle neetud kompanii kaudu oli kahju Võrreldes õilsa vangistatud rüütelkonnaga, kes nähes, et inglased on valmis neid vastu võtma, pöördusid kõik kohe ja põgenesid, igaüks oma elu päästma. Paljud ratsaväed pääsesid põgenema, kuid jalakäijaid oli hukkunute seas palju. "

Viited:
Wavrin, Jehan de, Chronicles, 1399–1422, tõlk. Sir W. Hardy ja E. Hardy (1887) Keegan, John, The Illustrated Face of Battle: a Agincourt, Waterloo and the Somme (1989) uurimus.


Kas Agincourt'i vibulaskjad leiutasid tõesti kahe sõrmega saluudi V-märgiga vandumise?

Kui ameeriklased "pööravad lindu" ühe keskmise sõrmega, siis britid on traditsiooniliselt sama saavutanud kahega.

Keskmise ja nimetissõrmega tehtud kahe sõrmega tervitus ehk tagurpidi võit või V-märk pärineb väidetavalt 1415. aastal Agincourtis toimunud inglise vibulaskjatelt.

Keskaja uurija ja pikavibu ekspert Clive Bartlett väidab oma raamatus „Inglise pikkvibur 1330-1515”, et see on nii. Nii teeb seda ka ajaloolane Craig Taylor National Geographicu dokumentaalfilmis „Agincourt: sada aastat sõda”.

Kuigi teised on seda vaidlustanud.

Arvad, et tunned Briti Tommyt? Tutvuge Tema kaasmaalastega

Selle artikli heliversiooni vaatamiseks klõpsake ülaltoodud videol

David Wilton uurib oma raamatus „Word Myths: Debunking Linguistic Urban Legends” V-tähe päritolu rubriigis „F ** k”:

„Saja -aastase sõja ajal lõikasid prantslased vangistatud Inglise vibulaskjate kätelt ära keskmise sõrme, nii et nad ei suutnud enam oma surmava jugapuu nööri (seda tüüpi puitu, millest need tehti) tõmmata.” , Inglise vibulaskjad mõnitavad prantslasi, tõstes keskmised sõrmed üles ja hüüatades, et nad suudavad ikkagi jugapuu kitkuda, seega neljatäheline sõna (f ** k.) ”

Naljakas, kuigi Wilton selgitab: „… see on ilmselgelt (lihtsalt) nali, sõnamäng. On kaheldav, et kes selle ulgumise välja mõtles, tahtis seda tõsiselt võtta ”.

Ja ometi on see levinud, ütleb ta, tänu internetile.

Täpsemalt, NPR (National Public Radio, USA saade) saate „Autokõne” ebatäpne ärakiri sisaldas lugu, mis vastas küsimusele, millise kehaosaga inglise vibulaskjad lehvitasid prantslastele Agincourtis. Mis oli, väitis ta:

"... keskmine sõrm, ilma milleta pole võimatu tõmmata tuntud inglise pikavibu ... Seega, kui võidukad inglased lüüesid lüüasaanud prantslaste poole oma keskmiste sõrmedega, ütlesid nad:" Näe, me võime jugapuud veel noppida! PLUCK JEW! ”

„Aastate jooksul… Kuna„ jugapuu noppimine ”on üsna raske öelda [nagu„ meeldiv faasanist emane ”, kelle juurde pidite noolte sulgede pärast minema], on alguses keeruline kaashäälikute klastr järk -järgult muudetud labiodentaalseks frikatiiviks „f” ja seega arvatakse, et sageli kasutatakse sõnaga ühe sõrme tervitusega seoses ekslikult intiimset kohtumist. ”

Tegelikult ei näidanud saate tegelik episood midagi jugapuu kitkumise kohta ja ütles ainult, et mõni teine ​​žest (arvatavasti kahe sõrme tervitus) võis pärineda Agincourtist.

Wilton tunnistab raamatus varem, et Agincourti ja kahe sõrme saluudi lugu on vanem kui internet. Kuid ta ütleb ka, et see sobib kirjeldusega, kui palju selliseid kõrgeid lugusid tekib: spekulatsioonide, moonutatud faktide ja naljade kaudu.

"Plock jugapuu" on naljakas ja seega alustas ta peaaegu kindlasti elu naljalt. Sealt sai see peaaegu kindlasti oma elu, kui mõned inimesed hakkasid seda tõsiselt võtma.

V-tähe Vikipeedia lehel mainitakse Wiltoni raamatut selle päritolu osas, kuigi see viitab ka keskaegsele dokumendile, kus on kujutatud žesti tegevat inglise vibulaskjat.

Pilt, millele see viitab, on Briti raamatukogus, kellega Forces Network võttis lisateabe saamiseks ühendust.

Nad nõustusid meiega, et tegelikult pole selge, kas vibulaskja hoiab kaks sõrme üleval või osutab tagumikule - omamoodi küngas koos kinnitatud sihtmärkidega, mida kasutasid vibulaskjad harjutamiseks keskaegses Inglismaal.

Arvestades tagumiku olemasolu, tundub, et see on tõenäoliselt mõeldud viimase näitlikustamiseks. Ja Briti raamatukogu hinnang oli, et lihtsalt pole piisavalt tõendeid, et järeldada, et Agincourti ja tänase solvava žesti vahel on seos.

Miks oli Agincourt nii tähtis?

Žestiga selge seose otsimine varjab suuremat küsimust, miks see konkreetne lahing on nii mütologiseeritud, et see on õigesti või mitte ühendatud tavalise kahe sõrme tervitusega.

Teisisõnu, miks oli Agincourt nii tähtis? Miks algas Agincourti lahing? Kuidas see tegelikult juhtus? Ja millist mõju avaldas see Inglismaa ja Prantsusmaa ajaloole?

Lahingu enda hoolikas uurimine näitab mitte ainult vastuseid neile ja muudele küsimustele, vaid ka seda, miks see on nii oluline osa inglise ajaloost ja kultuurist.

Amburite kingades

25. oktoober 1415 oli Inglise sõduriks olemise päev.

Loomulikult võiks sama öelda ka teiste saatuslike kuupäevade kohta: 6. juuni 1944 1. juuli 1916 või kaugemal ajal 14. oktoober 1066.

Kuid püha Crispini ja St Crispiani päev oli midagi enamat kui lihtsalt Shakespeare'i legend.

Sest kui päike sel hommikul tõusis, seisis Inglise armee, kus oli kolm kuni 7000 enamasti "madala sündimusega" vibulaskjat, silmitsi ülekaaluka tõenäosusega.

Vähem kui kilomeetri kaugusel, üle Agincourt'i linna asuvate poriste, nisukülviga põldude, oli Prantsuse armee vähemalt kolm korda suurem.

Inglased olid näljas ja üritasid meeleheitlikult Prantsusmaalt põgeneda Calais ’sadama kaudu, milleni tee oli nüüd blokeeritud koguni 28 000 hästi relvastatud Prantsuse sõduri poolt. Paljud olid aristokraadid, riietatud moodsate terasest raudrüüdega, ja mõned olid osaliselt soomustatud hobustel, kes hoidsid lantsi-keskaja tanke.

Henry V juhtis hästi koolitatud lepingulisi vägesid-tänapäeva professionaalsete relvajõudude algust. Kuid selliste koefitsientide vastu pidanuks see olema selle kõige pimedam päev, mitte 1. juuli 1916.

Kuid inglased ei kartnud. Nad olid vihased.

Nad olid kuulnud oma vastaste raevukat laulu ja nalja ning näinud nende silmatorkavaid lõkkeid lõõmamas eelmisel õhtul. Kõik oli selgelt vastuolus inglaste vaiksemate pühade ülestunnistustega ja ootusega, et nad võivad homme surra.

Ometi oli 29-aastane kuningas Henry prantsuse ülbust ära kasutanud ja seda ära kasutanud, tuletades oma pikavibulastele meelde kuulujuttu, et kui neid lahingus ei tapeta, siis nende vaenlased moonutavad nende paremaid käsi.

See osa loost on peaaegu kindlasti tõsi. Inglise vibulaskjad olid oma 6 jala pikkuste vibudega keskaegses Euroopas eliitkorpus. Ometi koosnesid nad enamasti „madala sündimisega” talurahvast ja prantsuse rüütlid neid ei austanud.

Kuningas Henry "vendade bändi" kõne, mille ta pidas tegelikult 24. oktoobri õhtul, mitte lahingupäeval, nagu Shakespeare'i näidend näitab, oli mõeldud selle klassilõhe ületamiseks.

Nii oli ka kuninglike vappide rebimine ja kadumine 25. oktoobril - žest sümboliseerimaks ühtsust, mis ületas klassijooni.

Lõpuks oli selle strateegia osa ka pühakute Cripini ja Crispiani tuginemine. Kuigi Crispin ja Crispian olid olnud prantslased, mitte inglise pühakud, olid nad ka tavalised. 1414. aasta lahingu ajal olid need Soissonite pühakud käed rikutud, kui nende linna vallutasid orleanistid, üks fraktsioon kibe võimuvõitlus Prantsusmaal.

Üks oluline detail on see, et surma said ka inglise vibulaskjad, kes olid võidelnud ka orleanistide vastu.

Valik pühakute austamiseks näib olevat Henry vägede vastu kõlanud, sest tema pisike armee hakkas kohe ühilduma ja ühines hästi ühise eesmärgi ümber: panna prantslased neid ründama.

Kas see oli "Üles oma!" kahe sõrme tervitused, vilkuv põhi nagu trotslikud šotlased filmis „Braveheart” või lihtsalt mõne võltsimehe võlts (võltsrünnak), kes seda tegi, oli see kõik kavala plaani osa.

Kuna inglased olid oma prantslasest vastasele pannud surmava lõksu, sellise, mida hakati küttima jahisarvade plahvatusega.

Olles vaikselt oma kohale pugenud, hekkide ja puude taga ootamas ning valmis oma vaiaseinte turvalisust taga ajama, valmistusid inglise vibulaskjad oma nooletormi vallandama.

Tõstetud regulaarselt vibulaskmisharjutustele tagumikuväljakutel ja inspireeritud Robin Hoodi lugudest, loopisid vibulaskjad asjatundlikult nöörid üle vibude ja valmistasid need ette tegutsemiseks.

Kui nad painutasid oma õlgu ja seljalihaseid, et rakendada oma vibude painutamiseks vajalikku tõmbekaalu 100–150 naela, mõtlesid nad arvatavasti viimast korda: kas see saab olema nagu Hastingsi massiline tapmine ja hävitav katastroof aastal 1066 või Crecy üllatusvõit aastal 1046?

Kui nad kuulsid ja arvatavasti tundsid, kuidas prantsuse ratsavägi koondas end nende poole, ja nägid, kuidas prantsuse relvastatud mehed, kelle rongkäik on 30-pluss, alustasid oma marssi, lootsid nad meeleheitlikult viimasele.

Kell oli umbes 11 hommikul ja Inglismaa poolelt kostis ette planeeritud jahisarvi.

Ükskõik kus nad asusid - Inglise armee vasakul või paremal küljel või peidetud ja valmis varitsust laskma Tramecourt'i küla lähedal asuvalt põllult - vallandasid inglise vibulaskjad oma nooletormi.


Ajaloolased hindavad Agincourti lahingut ümber

MAISONCELLE, Prantsusmaa-Antoine Renault’i talu karjahoidla taga olev raske savist muda näeb välja sama reeturlik, kui see pidi olema ligi 600 aastat tagasi, kui kuningas Henry V sõitis siit lähedalt, et juhtida märga ja kurnatud Inglise armeed. Prantsuse vägede arv, et tema arv ületab lausa viis kuni üks.

Keegi ei saa kunagi ära võtta Henry ja tema „vendade bändi” šokeerivat võitu püha Crispini päeval, 25. oktoobril 1415. Nad hävitasid tugevalt soomustatud Prantsuse aadlike väe, kes olid saanud takerdunud piirkonna imemudasse, mis oli täis tuhandeid inglise pikavibumeeste nooli ja mida ületasid tavalised sõdurid palju kergema käiguga. See sai tuntuks kui Agincourti lahing.

Kuid Agincourti staatus kui suurim võit sõjaajaloo ülekaalukate koefitsientide vastu-ja inglaste minapildi nurgakivi-on kahtluse alla seadnud rühm ajaloolasi Suurbritannias ja Prantsusmaal, kes on hoolikalt kokku pannud hulga sõjalisi ja maksuregistreid. sellest ajast ja nüüd vaadake skeptiliselt keskaegsete kroonikute välja antud figuure.

Ajaloolased on jõudnud järeldusele, et inglasi poleks võinud olla rohkem kui kaks kuni üks. Sõltuvalt sellest, kuidas matemaatikat läbi viiakse, võis Henry silmitsi seista ühtlase võitlusega lähemal, ütles uuringut juhtiv Southamptoni ülikooli professor Anne Curry.

Need külmad tegelased ähvardavad lahingupilti, mida isegi elukutselised teadlased ja akadeemikud ei soovinud Shakespeare'i värsi ja sajanditepikkuse inglise uhkuse ees vaidlustada, ütles proua Curry.

"See on lihtsalt müüt, kuid see on müüt, mis on osa Briti psüühikast," ütles proua Curry.

Teos, mis on pälvinud nii hõõguvat kiitust kui ka teravat kriitikat teistelt Ameerika Ühendriikide ja Euroopa ajaloolastelt, on kõige silmatorkavam uuest sõjaajalooteadusest tekkinud revisionistlikest aruannetest. Uued kontod ei kipu olema mitte ainult kvantitatiivsemad, vaid ka rohkem poliitilistele, kultuurilistele ja tehnoloogilistele teguritele kohandatud ning keskenduvad rohkem tavalise sõduri kogemustele kui suurtele strateegiatele ja kangelastegudele.

See lähenemine on drastiliselt muutnud vaateid kõigele, alustades Rooma lahingutest germaani hõimudega, lõpetades Napoleoni hukatusliku okupeerimisega Hispaanias, lõpetades Teti rünnakuga Vietnami sõjas. Kuid kõige tähelepanuväärsem mõõdik uutele ajaloolastele antud lugupidamise ja nende kalduvuse kohta väljakujunenud tarkust lõhkuda on see, et Ameerika komandöridel on nüüdseks juba peaaegu igapäevane üleskutse nende käest nõu küsida strateegia ja taktika osas Afganistanis, Iraagis ja teistel kohalviibijatel. -päevased konfliktid.

Kõige mõjukam näide on 2006. aastal Ameerika Ühendriikide armee ja merejalaväelaste poolt vastu võetud „mässutõrjevälja käsiraamat”, mis lööb keset arutelu selle üle, kas suurendada vägede arvu Afganistanis.

Kindral David H. Petraeus, kes juhib Ameerika Ühendriikide keskjuhatuse juhina Iraagi ja Afganistani sõdu, kasutas käsiraamatu koostamiseks kümneid akadeemilisi ajaloolasi ja muid eksperte. Ja ta nimetas peaautoriks USA sõjaväe kolledži sõjaväe ajaloo instituudi direktori Conrad Crane'i.

Tuginedes kümnetele ajaloolistele konfliktidele, on käsiraamatu esmaseks järelduseks väide, et mässulisi ei ole võimalik võita ilma elanikkonda kaitsmata ja võitmata, olenemata sellest, kui tõhusad võivad olla vaenlase võitlejad.

Hr Crane ütles, et mõned tema enda varasemad ajaloolised uuringud hõlmasid strateegiliste pommitamiskampaaniate võrdlemist tsiviilelanike rünnakutega sõjavägede rünnates saja -aastase sõja ajal, kui Inglismaa üritas ja lõpuks ei suutnud saavutada kontrolli Mandri -Prantsusmaa üle. Agincourt oli võib -olla kõige põnevam võit, mille inglased konflikti ajal Prantsusmaa pinnal kunagi saavutasid.

Saja -aastane sõda ei jõudnud kunagi kohalikku käsiraamatusse - see nimi võis olla hoiatav -, kuid pärast arvukate hoiatuste esitamist suurte erinevuste kohta aja, tehnoloogia ja poliitiliste eesmärkide osas ütlevad piirkonnas töötavad ajaloolased, et kummalisi paralleele kaasaegsete väliskonfliktidega.

Esiteks, selleks ajaks, kui Henry 14. augustil 1415 Seine'i suudme lähedal maabus ja alustas Harfleuri nimelise linna üsnagi innustamatut piiramist, oli Prantsusmaa kodusõja äärel, kusjuures fraktsioonid nimetati burgundlasteks ja armanjakid tülis. Henry sõlmis lõpuks liidu burgundlastega, kellest tänapäeva mõistes saaksid tema “kohalikud julgeolekujõud” Normandias, ning ta toetas kohalike kaupmeeste ja vaimulike toetust - kõiki tavasid, mida mässutõrje käsiraamat oleks südamest heaks kiitnud.

"Ma ei ole see, kes näeb ajalugu korduvat, kuid arvan, et paljud hoiakud seda teevad," ütles Kelly DeVries, Marylandi Loyola ülikooli ajalooprofessor, kes on kirjutanud palju keskaegsest sõjapidamisest. Hr DeVries ütles, et võitlejad kogu piirkonnast hakkasid filtreerima Armagnaci laagri poole niipea, kui Henry sai nende vaenlastega liitlaseks. "Sarnaselt Iraagi Al -Qaedaga tuli võitlema väga erinevaid vägesid väga erinevatest kohtadest," ütles hr DeVries.

Kuid kõigepealt oleks Henryl võimalus Agincourtis. Pärast Harfleuri võtmist marssis ta kiiresti põhja poole ja ületas Somme'i jõe, tema armee oli düsenteeriast ja lahingukaotustest ammendunud ning näljane ja väsinud.

Samal ajal kogunesid murtud Prantsuse väed kiiruga temaga kohtuma.

Siin hakkavad ajaloolased ise võitlema ja mitmed teevad erandi pr Curry meeskonna uuest stipendiumist.

Tuginedes kroonikatele, mida ta peab üldiselt õigeks, väidab West Pointi Ameerika Ühendriikide sõjaväeakadeemia ajalooprofessor Clifford J. Rogers, et Henry oli tegelikult tohutult üle. Inglaste jaoks oli pealaest jalatallani umbes 1000 niinimetatud relvameest rasketes terasest soomustes ja 5000 kergelt soomustatud meest. Prantslased kogusid kokku umbes 10 000 relvameest, kellest igaühel oli saatja, keda kutsuti gros-teenindajaks, kes oskas ka sõdida, ja umbes 4000 meest, kellel oli amb või muud võitlejad.

Ehkki hr Rogers kirjutab hiljutises ajakirjas, et inglise vibulaskjad olid Prantsuse ristlõikurid „täielikult edestanud”, kes võisid surmavaid volleid kaugemale ja sagedamini saata, annaks kogusummade suhe neli kuni üks, mis on traditsioonilisele lähedane. arvud. Rogers ütles ühes intervjuus, et peab arhiividokumente liiga puudulikeks, et neid hinnanguid oluliselt muuta.

Sellegipoolest ütlesid mitmed prantsuse ajaloolased sel kuul intervjuudes, et kahtlevad tõsiselt, et Prantsusmaa, keda on murdnud kildkondlikud tülid ja kes on saadud katku tõttu tõsiselt kurnatud elanikkonnast, oleks võinud nii lühikese ajaga nii suure armee üles ehitada. Ka Prantsuse kuningas Charles VI kannatas hullumeelsuse käes.

"See ei olnud täielik Prantsuse võim Agincourtis," ütles Lille'i ülikooli keskaja ajaloo professor Bertrand Schnerb, kelle hinnangul oli seal 12 000 kuni 15 000 Prantsuse sõdurit.

Proua Curry, Southamptoni ajaloolane, ütles, et talle meeldib see, mis on selle madalama näitaja lähedane, tuginedes tema ajalooliste arhiivide, sealhulgas sõjaväe palgaarvestuse, kogunemisrullide, laevade logide, haavatud ja surnute avaldatud nimekirjade, sõjaaja maksude lugemisele. lõivud ja muud säilinud dokumendid.

Inglise poolelt arvab proua Curry, et tõenäoliselt oli Henryl Agincourti marsil kaasas vähemalt 8680 sõdurit. Ta nimetab tuhandeid tõenäolisi sõjaväelasi, alates relvastatud Adam Adryast kuni vibulaskja Philip Zevanini.

Ja erakorraline veebiandmebaas, milles on loetletud umbes veerand miljonit Saja-aastases sõjas teeninud meeste nime, mille koostasid proua Curry ja tema kaastöötajad Southamptoni ja Readingi ülikoolides, näitab, et olenemata arvudest oli Henry armee vendade rühm: paljud sõdurid olid veteranid, kes olid koos teeninud mitmel kampaanial.

"Näete tohutut järjepidevust inimestega, kes üksteist tundsid ja usaldasid," ütles proua Curry.

See usaldus pidi kindlasti kasuks tulema pärast seda, kui Henry pani taktikaliste taktikaliste liigutuste abil Prantsuse ratsavägi relvastatud meestele õhku laskma massiliselt pikavibureid, kes asusid Inglise äärel suhteliselt kitsal väljal kahe komplekti vahel. metsad, mis eksisteerivad veel kaugel härra Renault 'talust Maisoncelle'is.

Sündmuste jada, mis järgnes prantsuse relvastatud meestele ratsaväe taga asuvate poriste, haritud põldude kaudu, olid kiired ja mõrvarlikud.

Volley after volley of English arrow fire maddened the horses, killed many of the riders and forced the advancing men-at-arms into a mass so dense that many of them could not even lift their arms.

When the heavily armored French men-at-arms fell wounded, many could not get up and simply drowned in the mud as other men stumbled over them. And as order on the French lines broke down completely and panic set in, the much nimbler archers ran forward, killing thousands by stabbing them in the neck, eyes, armpits and groin through gaps in the armor, or simply ganged up and bludgeoned the Frenchmen to death.

“The situation was beyond grisly it was horrific in the extreme,” Mr. Rogers wrote in his paper.

King Henry V had emerged victorious, and as some historians see it, the English crown then mounted a public relations effort to magnify the victory by exaggerating the disparity in numbers.

Whatever the magnitude of the victory, it would not last. The French populace gradually soured on the English occupation as the fighting continued and the civil war remained unresolved in the decades after Henry’s death in 1422, Mr. Schnerb said.

“They came into France saying, ‘You Frenchmen have civil war, and now our king is coming to give you peace,’ ” Mr. Schnerb said. “It was a failure.”

Unwilling to blame a failed counterinsurgency strategy, Shakespeare pinned the loss on poor Henry VI:

“Whose state so many had the managing, That they lost France and made his England bleed.”


Sisu

WESTMORLAND. O that we now had here
But one ten thousand of those men in England
That do no work to-day!

KING. What's he that wishes so?
My cousin, Westmorland? No, my fair cousin
If we are mark'd to die, we are enough
To do our country loss and if to live,
The fewer men, the greater share of honour.
God's will! I pray thee, wish not one man more.
By Jove, I am not covetous for gold,
Nor care I who doth feed upon my cost
It yearns me not if men my garments wear
Such outward things dwell not in my desires.
But if it be a sin to covet honour,
I am the most offending soul alive.
No, faith, my coz, wish not a man from England.
God's peace! I would not lose so great an honour
As one man more methinks would share from me
For the best hope I have. O, do not wish one more!
Rather proclaim it, Westmorland, through my host,
That he which hath no stomach to this fight,
Let him depart his passport shall be made,
And crowns for convoy put into his purse
We would not die in that man's company
That fears his fellowship to die with us.
This day is call'd the feast of Crispian.
He that outlives this day, and comes safe home,
Will stand a tip-toe when this day is nam'd,
And rouse him at the name of Crispian.
He that shall live this day, and see old age,
Will yearly on the vigil feast his neighbours,
And say "To-morrow is Saint Crispian."
Then will he strip his sleeve and show his scars,
And say "These wounds I had on Crispin's day."
Old men forget yet all shall be forgot,
But he'll remember, with advantages,
What feats he did that day. Then shall our names,
Familiar in his mouth as household words—
Harry the King, Bedford and Exeter,
Warwick and Talbot, Salisbury and Gloucester—
Be in their flowing cups freshly rememb'red.
This story shall the good man teach his son
And Crispin Crispian shall ne'er go by,
From this day to the ending of the world,
But we in it shall be rememberèd—
We few, we happy few, we band of brothers
For he to-day that sheds his blood with me
Shall be my brother be he ne'er so vile,
This day shall gentle his condition
And gentlemen in England now a-bed
Shall think themselves accurs'd they were not here,
And hold their manhoods cheap whiles any speaks
That fought with us upon Saint Crispin's day.

Use and quotation Edit

  • During the Napoleonic Wars, just prior to the Battle of the Nile, Horatio Nelson, 1st Viscount Nelson, then Rear Admiral of the Blue, referred to his captains as his "band of brothers". [2] ' magazine Majapidamissõnad (1850-1851) took its name from the speech. [3]
  • During the First Barbary War, Lieutenant Stephen Decatur, Jr. proclaimed "the fewer men, the greater share of honor," before leading a raiding party to destroy the USS Philadelphia (1799) . [4]
  • During World War II, Laurence Olivier delivered the speech during a radio programme to boost British morale and Winston Churchill found him so inspiring that he asked Olivier to produce the Shakespeare play as a film. Olivier's adaptation appeared in 1944. [2] It is said that the radio programme inspired Churchill's famous Never was so much owed by so many to so few speech made in 1940 during the Battle of Britain.
  • The title of British politician Duff Cooper's autobiography Old Men Forget (1953) is taken from the speech. [5]
  • During the legal battle for the U.S. presidential election of 2000, regarding the Florida vote recount, members of the Florida legal team for George W. Bush, the eventual legal victor, joined arms and recited the speech during a break in preparation, to motivate themselves. [6]
  • On the day of the result of the 2016 United Kingdom European Union membership referendum, as the vote to leave became clear, activist and MEP Daniel Hannan is reported to have delivered an edited version of the speech from a table, replacing the names Bedford, Exeter, Warwick and Talbot with other prominent Vote Leave activists. [7][8]

Film, television, music and literature Edit

Parts of the speech appear in films such as The Man Who Shot Liberty Valance (1962), [9] [10] Hauakivi (1993), [11] Renaissance Man (1994), [12] Tea With Mussolini (1999), [13] This Is England (2006), [14] and Their Finest (2017). [15] It has also been used in television series such as Rough Riders (1997), [16] [17] Buffy vampiiride tapja, [18] [19] The Black Adder, [20] [21] and Arst, kes. [22]


The Longbow

The longbow as we recognise it today, measuring around the height of a man, made its first major appearance towards the end of the Middle Ages. Although generally attributed to the Welsh, longbows have in fact been around at least since Neolithic times: one made of yew and wrapped in leather was found in Somerset in 1961. It is thought that even earlier finds have been uncovered in Scandinavia.

The Welsh however, do appear to have been the first to develop the tactical use of the longbow into the deadliest weapon of its day. During the Anglo-Norman invasion of Wales, it is said that the ‘Welsh bowmen took a heavy toll on the invaders’. With the conquest of Wales complete, Welsh conscripts were incorporated into the English army for Edward’s campaigns further north into Scotland.

Although King Edward I, ‘The Hammer of the Celts’, is normally regarded as the man responsible for adding the might of the longbow to the English armoury of the day, the actual evidence for this is vague, although he did ban all sports but archery on Sundays, to make sure Englishmen practised with the longbow. It is however during Edward III’s reign when more documented evidence confirms the important role that the longbow has played in both English and Welsh history.

Edward III’s reign was of course dominated by the Hundred Years War which actually lasted from 1337-1453. It was perhaps due this continual state of war that so many historical records survive which raise the longbow to legendary status first at Crécy and Poitiers, and then at Agincourt.

Battle of Crécy

After landing with some 12,000 men, including 7,000 archers and taking Caen in Normandy, Edward III moved northwards. Edward’s forces were continually tracked by a much larger French army, until they finally arrived at Crécy in 1346 with a force of 8,000.

The English took a defensive position in three divisions on ground that sloped downwards, with the archers on the flanks. One of these divisions was commanded by Edward’s sixteen year old son Edward the Black Prince. The French first sent out the mercenary Genoese crossbowmen, numbering between 6000 and 12,000 men. With a firing rate of three – five volleys per minute they were however no match for the English and Welsh longbow men who could fire ten – twelve arrows in the same amount of time. It is also reported that rain had adversely affected the bowstrings of the crossbows.

Philip VI, after commenting on the uselessness of his archers, sent forward his cavalry who charged through and over his own crossbowmen. The English and Welsh archers and men-at-arms held them off not just once, but 16 times in total. During one of these attacks Edward’s son The Black Prince came under direct attack, but his father refused to send help, claiming he needed to ‘win his spurs’.

After nightfall Philip VI, himself wounded, ordered the retreat. According to one estimate French casualties included eleven princes, 1,200 knights and 12,000 soldiers killed. Edward III is said have lost a few hundred men.


Battle of Crécy between the English and French in the Hundred Years’ War.
From a 15th-century illuminated manuscript of Jean Froissart’s Chronicles

Battle of Poitiers

Details concerning the Battle of Poitiers in 1356 are in fact quite vague, however it appears that some 10,000 English and Welsh troops, this time led by Edward, Prince of Wales, also known as the Black Prince, were retreating after a long campaign in France with a French army of somewhere between 20,000 – 60,000 men in close pursuit. The two armies were separated by a large hedge when the French found a gap and attempted to break through. Realising battle was about to commence The Black Prince ordered his men to form their usual battle positions with his archers on the flanks.

The French, who had developed a small cavalry unit specifically to attack the English and Welsh archers, were not only brought to an abrupt stop by the number of arrows that showered down upon them, they were by all accounts routed. The next attack came from the Germans who had allied themselves with the French and were leading the second cavalry attack. This was also stopped and it is said that so intense was the attack by the English and Welsh archers that at one point some ran out of arrows and had to run forward and collect arrows embedded in people lying on the ground.

Following a final volley of his archers’ fire, the Black Prince ordered the advance. The French broke and were pursued to Poitiers where the French King was captured. He was transported to London and held to ransom in the Tower of London for 3,000,000 gold crowns.

Battle of Agincourt

A 28-year-old King Henry V set sail from Southampton on 11th August 1415 with a fleet of around 300 ships to claim his birthright of the Duchy of Normandy and so revive English fortunes in France. Landing at Harfleur in northern France, they besieged the town.

The siege lasted five weeks, much longer than expected, and Henry lost around 2,000 of his men to dysentery. Henry took the decision to leave a garrison at Harfleur and take the remainder of his army back home via the French port of Calais almost 100 miles away to the north. Just two minor problems lay in their way – a very, very large and angry French army and the River Somme. Outnumbered, sick and short of supplies Henry’s army struggled but eventually managed to cross the Somme.

It was on the road north, near the village of Agincourt, that the French were finally able to stop Henry’s march. Some 25,000 Frenchmen faced Henry’s 6000. As if things couldn’t get worse it started to pour with rain.

Morning of the Battle of Agincourt, 25th October 1415

On 25th October, St Crispin’s day, the two sides prepared for battle. The French though weren’t to be rushed and at 8.00am, laughing and joking, they ate breakfast. The English, cold and wet from the driving rain, ate whatever they had left in their depleted rations.

Following an initial stalemate, Henry decided he had nothing to lose and forced the French into battle and advanced. The English and Welsh archers moved to within 300 metres of the enemy and began to fire. This sparked the French into action and the first wave of French cavalry charged, the rain-soaked ground severely hindering their progress. The storm of arrows raining down upon them caused the French to become unnerved and they retreated into the way of the now advancing main army. With forces moving in every direction, the French were soon in total disarray. The field quickly turned into a quagmire, churned up by the feet of thousands of heavily-armoured men and horses. The English and Welsh archers, some ten ranks deep, rained tens of thousands of arrows down onto the mud trapped French and what followed was a bloodbath. The battle itself lasted just half an hour and between 6,000 and 10,000 French were killed whilst the English suffered losses in the hundreds.

After three hundred years the dominance of the longbow in weaponry was coming to an end and giving way to the age of muskets and guns. The last battle involving the longbow took place in 1644 at Tippermuir in Perthshire, Scotland during the English Civil War.


Battle of Agincourt

In 1413 King Henry IV of England died and was followed on the throne by Henry V. The Hundred Years’ War (1337-1453) continued, with English kings claiming the throne of France and its territory and the French kings seeking to expel the English. In prosecuting the war, Henry V concluded an alliance with Duke John of Burgundy, who promised to remain neutral and be Henry V’s vassal in return for territorial gains at the expense of France. In April 1415 Henry V declared war on King Charles VI of France, assembled a force of 12,000 men at Southampton, and crossed the English Channel to land at the mouth of the Seine on August 10.

Beginning on August 13, Henry laid siege to the Channel port of Honfleur. Taking it on September 22, he expelled most of its French inhabitants, replacing them with Englishmen. Only the poorest Frenchmen were allowed to remain, and they had to take an oath of allegiance. The siege, disease, and garrison duties all depleted Henry V’s army, leaving only about 6,000 men.

For whatever reason Henry V then decided to march overland from Honfleur to Calais, moving without baggage or artillery. His army departed on October 6, covering as much as 18 miles a day in difficult conditions caused by heavy rains. The English found one ford after another blocked by French troops, so Henry V took the army eastward, up the Somme, to locate a crossing. High water and the French prevented this until he reached Athies (10 miles west of Péronne), where the English found an undefended crossing.

At Rouen the French raised a force of some 30,000 men under Charles d’Albert, constable of France. This force almost intercepted the English before they could get across the Somme. Henry V’s trail was not hard to find, marked as it was by burning French farmhouses. (Henry once remarked that war without fire was like “sausages without mustard.”)

D’Albert got in front of the English and set up a blocking position on the main road to Calais near the Chateau of Agincourt, where Henry’s troops met them on October 24. Henry’s force faced an army many times his own in size. His men were short of supplies, and enraged local inhabitants were killing English foragers and stragglers. Shaken by the prospects, Henry V ordered his prisoners released and offered to return Honfleur and pay for any damages he had inflicted in return for safe passage to Calais. The French, with a numerical advantage of up to five to one, were in no mood to make concessions. They demanded that Henry V renounce his claims in France to everything except Guyenne, which he refused to do.

The French nobles were eager to join battle and pressed d’Albert for an attack, but he resisted their demands that day. That night Henry V ordered absolute silence, which the French took as a sign of demoralization. Daybreak on October 25 found the English at one end of a defile slightly more than 1,000 yards wide and flanked by heavy woods. The road to Calais ran down its middle. Open fields on either side of the road had been recently plowed and were sodden from the heavy rains.

Drawing on English success in the battles of Crécy and Poitiers, Henry V drew up his 800 to 1,000 men-at-arms and 5,000 archers in three major groups, or “battles.” The “battles,” in one line, consisted of men-at-arms and pikemen, while the archers were located between the three “battles” and on the flanks, where they enfiladed forward about 100 yards or so to the woods on either side.

About a mile away d’Albert also deployed in three groups, but because of French numbers and the narrowness of the defile these were one behind the other. The first rank consisted of dismounted men and some crossbow men, along with perhaps 500 horsemen on the flanks the second was the same without the horsemen and the third consisted almost entirely of horsemen. Each commander hoped to fight a defensive battle, Henry in particular so that he might employ his archers.

Finally, in late morning when the French had failed to move, Henry staged a cautious advance of about a half mile and then halted, his men taking up the same formation as before, with the leading archers on the flanks only about 300 yards from the first French ranks. The bowmen then pounded sharpened stakes into the ground facing toward the enemy, their tips at breast height of a horse.

Henry’s movement had the desired effect. D’Albert was no longer able to resist the demands of his fellow nobles to attack the English and ordered the advance. The mounted knights on either flank moved forward well ahead of the slow-moving and heavily armored men-at-arms. It was Crécy and Poitiers all over again, with the longbow decisive. A large number of horsemen, slowed by the soggy ground, were cut down by English arrows that caught them in enfilade. The remainder were halted at the English line.

The cavalry attack was defeated long before the first French men-at-arms, led in person by d’Albert, arrived. Their heavy body armor and the mud exhausted the French, but most reached the thin English line and, by sheer weight of numbers, drove it back. The English archers then fell on the closely packed French from the flanks, using swords, axes, and hatchets to cut them down. The unencumbered Englishmen had the advantage, as they could more easily move in the mud around their French opponents. Within minutes, almost all in the first French rank had been either killed or captured.

The second French rank then moved forward, but it lacked the confidence and cohesion of the first. Although losses were heavy, many of its number were able to retire to re-form for a new attack with the third “battle” of mounted knights. At this point Henry V learned that the French had attacked his baggage train, and he ordered the wholesale slaughter of the French prisoners, fearing that he would not be strong enough to meet attacks from both the front and the rear. The rear attack, however, turned out to be only a sally from the Chateau of Agincourt by a few men-at-arms and perhaps 600 French peasants. The English easily repulsed the final French attack, which was not pressed home. Henry V then led several hundred mounted men in a charge that dispersed what remained of the French army. The archers then ran forward, killing thousands of the Frenchmen lying on the field by stabbing them through gaps in their armor or bludgeoning them to death.

In less than four hours the English had defeated a force significantly larger than their own. At least 5,000 Frenchmen died in the battle, and another 1,500 were taken prisoner. Among those who perished were many prominent French nobles, including d’Albert. The Duke d’Orléans and Marshal Jean Bouciquan were among the captured. Henry V reported English losses as 13 men-at-arms and 100 footmen killed, but this figure is too low. English losses were probably 300 killed. Among the badly wounded was Henry V’s brother, the Duke of Gloucester.

Henry V then marched to Calais, taking the prisoners who would be ransomed. The army reached Calais on October 29. In mid-November Henry V returned to England.

The loss of so many prominent French nobles in the Battle of Agincourt greatly increased Duke John of Burgundy’s influence to the point of dictating French royal policy. Henry V returned to France in 1417 and went on to conquer Normandy by the end of 1419, with the exception of Mont St. Michel. In 1420 at Troyes he concluded peace with Charles VI, who agreed to the marriage of Henry to his daughter Catherine. The French king also disowned his son, the dauphin Charles, and acknowledged Henry as his heir. Over the next two years Henry consolidated his hold over northern France, but unfortunately for the English cause he died in 1422, leaving as heir to the thrones of England and France a son just nine months old.

Viited Hibbert, Christopher. Agincourt. New York: Dorset, 1978. Keegan, John. The Face of Battle: A Study of Agincourt, Waterloo & the Somme. New York: Vintage Books, 1977. Seward, Desmond. The Hundred Years’ War: The English in France, 1337-1453. New York: Atheneum, 1978. Sumption, Jonathan. The Hundred Years’ War: Trial by Battle. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1988.


The Key Factor: Mud

Once the English archers were in place, the comparatively thin line of English knights kneeled awkwardly in their armor to make the sign of the cross before advancing on foot over the waterlogged field behind the archers to a point within 300 yards of the French. The sight of the smaller English army boldly advancing so excited the mounted French knights on each flank that they largely abandoned discipline to break into a ragged attack, shouting, “Montjoie! Saint Denis!” As they spurred their horses onward, the soggy ground beneath them was churned into clinging mud, which slowed the charge immediately. Nonetheless, cheers rose from the other French nobles standing behind them as they caught the excitement and moved forward as well.

As might have been anticipated, horses quickly began to slip in the mud. As this happened, the French attackers converging from both flanks were thrown into confusion by devastating volleys from the English archers, dispatched in four clouds of arrows. Although the French knights’ armor deflected many of the arrows, their less-well-clad horses were not so fortunate—they stumbled or dropped in their tracks. Some knights were pitched to the ground. Riderless mounts bolted about, colliding with advancing French foot soldiers. By now, horses and men on the field were ankle-deep in mud. The French artillery, intimidated by the first flight of arrows, had pulled back rather than face more steel-tipped projectiles.

Less than a hundred of the mounted French knights ever reached the spike-barricade placed by the English archers. The rest lay mired in the churned-up mud—dead, wounded, or stumbling about in a daze. French cavalry commander Guillaume de Saveuse was one of the dead, killed by a mallet blow or stab wound through his armor-joint after his horse impaled itself on one of the spikes. Without pause, the second line of French began to advance on foot, moving ponderously through the mud in face of flights of arrows. Although it continued to be a cool day, the knights began to sweat in their 60 pounds of armor from the exertion of trudging through the mud. As they proceeded, many could not avoid stiff-legging their way over the dead and wounded, causing any number to suffocate in the mud.

As French knights attack the English line, their horses become bogged down in the mud as English archers continue to pour deadly fire into their ranks.

The footing grew worse as the centers of both armies locked together in hand-to-hand combat. Slowly the reinforced French attack drove the English center back, and the battle lost its form in the confined area between the woods. By one account, Henry “fought not as a king but as a knight, leading the way when possible, giving and receiving cruel blows.” The English middle rallied as the right flank engaged, but the obese York was trampled under foot. He either suffocated or suffered a heart attack, since his armor-clad body was found afterward without a wound. The Earl of Oxford was killed also, but Henry called upon Robert Howard, one of the ship captains and a friend of his youth, to take the earl’s place. Howard rose to the occasion as the English archers dropped their longbows to wade into the fray, wielding their axes and short swords.

By now, the French knights were so crammed together they could barely swing their own weapons, and when they were knocked down they found it impossible to get up from the mud in their heavy armor. The more nimble English archers made many French knights lame by slashing their short axes against the backs of their adversaries’ knees. Those sprawling on the ground were helpless to protect themselves from the archers, who mercilessly thrust their daggers through the slits of visors or into the mail covering armpits or groins. The Duke of Alenon, finding himself cut off and surrounded, shouted his surrender to King Henry, who was a few yards away coming to his brother Gloucester’s aid. Before the king could intercede, however, Alenon was slashed and beaten to death by swarming English archers. The Duke of Brabant, younger brother of the Duke of Burgundy, borrowed a lesser nobleman’s armor and galloped into the fray only to be unhorsed and quickly dispatched by archers who did not recognize his worth because his borrowed armor did not mark him as a man of distinction.

In the first two hours of the three-hour battle, the French suffered a staggering 5,000 killed in a bloodbath that included three dukes, five counts, and 90 barons. By this stage, more English knights and archers were gathering up prisoners than continuing to fight. (A French noble would fetch enough in ransom to make a poor man comparatively comfortable for life.) Meanwhile, the knights in the third French line watched the disastrous scene. In a cruel mix-up, Henry ordered the French prisoners killed when he heard that a newly arrived enemy force (actually bands of local peasants) was attacking his lightly guarded rear. The order was only fitfully obeyed by the English nobles, who found it morally repugnant to kill their French counterparts after they had surrendered, and Henry had to deputize a force of 200 low-born archers to carry out the brutal and unnecessary slaughter. When it became evident that the uncommitted third French line, daunted by the fate of the first two lines, was withdrawing from the battlefield, Henry rescinded his order, but by then dozens of duly surrendered French nobles had met a most ignoble fate in the bloodstained mud at Agincourt.


Was the V-sign invented at the battle of Agincourt?

In a nutshell, no! This idea is a twentieth-century myth although so far it has proved impossible to find where and when a link to Agincourt was first suggested.

The myth is that the French had threatened to cut off the index and middle fingers of any archers they captured. But since the English won, the archers then stuck up these two fingers to show they still had them.

Two fifteenth-century narratives mention mutilation. In a chronicle written by Thomas Walsingham, a monk of St Albans, ‘the French published that they wished no-one to be spared except certain named lords and the king himself. They announced that the rest would be killed or have their limbs horribly mutilated. Because of this our men were much excited to rage and took heart, encouraging one another against the event.’

In chronicles written by the Burgundians Jean le Fèvre and Jean de Waurin they invent a battle speech for Henry in which the king is reported to have said ‘that the French had boasted that if any English archers were captured they would cut off the three fingers of their right hand so that neither man or horse would ever again by killed by their arrow fire’.

None of these texts says that the victorious archers stuck up their fingers after the battle. Nor is there evidence that archers taken prisoner ever had their fingers cut off, despite the scenes in Bernard Cornwell’s novel, Azincourt, of what happened to English archers at the attack on Soissons in 1414.

Mutilation was used as a military punishment in English armies in this period. In disciplinary ordinances issued in 1385, which were used again for the campaign of 1415, foot archers who cried ‘to horse’ without good cause or who went out foraging without permission might have their right ear cut off as punishment. If servants or pages started quarrels in the host, they might have their left ear cut off. But commanders were hardly likely to have punishment which would damage the fighting capability of their men. By contrast, military ordinances were tough on prostitutes. In set of military ordinances issued by Henry V at some point in his reign, prostitutes were ordered not to come within a mile of the army or to be within garrisons. If they violated this order a second time, they were to have their left arm broken.

Photograph of Winston Churchill famously making the v-sign for victory in 1943, taken from Wikipedia and is in the Public Domain


Against All Odds: THE BATTLE OF AGINCOURT

If you’re a fan of Shakespeare or simply a military history person, then you know about King Henry V. He was a monarch in England from 1413 to 1422. King Henry V was one of the most renowned English kings.

He led two successful of France and eventually full control of the French throne. He was known for one particular achievement, which was in the Battle of Agincourt.

French soldiers assembled onto the battlefield. Moments later they realized that the English had set up stakes guarding their location. This resulted in many riders to be stuck between the pieces of sharp wood. This made the soldiers an even easier target.

As the cavalry quickly retreated back, the first-division marched forward. Pushing through the muddy fields and turning their heads away from the winter sun, they bravely marched towards the English line.

Being on foot made it easier to climb through the stakes, but harder to march across a field full of mud. The French lost many of its soldiers during those moments, but they continued their walk toward the English.

As the French finally arrived at the English lines, they started an attack. The English soon realized that their longbows were ineffective now, due to the armies being closer to each other.

They rushed forward with axes and swords, instead. This led to a large number of wounds and deaths leaving a pile of nobles and soldiers lifeless on the battlefield.

Seeing the first-division being slaughtered, the second-division of the French army began their journey to the other side of the field. Since the first-division had not yet cleared the path it got crowded really fast.

The French retreated, deciding that they had no chance of victory. Many of the nobles gave up their lives. A few of the first-division survived, the second-division was running away and the third stood quietly on the other side of the battle-field.

Led by a living noble of the French army, some soldiers were extracted from the battlefield to attack the English camp. Henry, being alert of his surroundings, quickly sent some of his men to protect their camp.

During this time, the third-division also made a move. They tried to counter-attack the English with all they had. The raid on the camp was stopped and the third-division was also massacred. Soon, the third-division retreated, but the English still held many of their soldiers captive.

I wish I could say that the battle ended in peace, with the French running away and the hostages left alive. But this was not the case.

The French soldiers were killed. Their arms and feet were cut off, and those who resisted were stabbed in the eye.

This battle made Henry V one of the most popular English kings to have reigned. He and his army had won a heroic victory in the worst circumstances.

Sadly, his reign did not last. He died soon after, but not before expanding his kingdom. His efforts ensured that his son would be the heir to the French throne.

The English domination continued until 1429 when Jean d' Arc arrived at the siege of Orleans and signaled the return of the French, which resulted in the ultimate winner of the Hundred years war.


Vaata videot: Battle of Agincourt Scene - The King (November 2021).