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Millised riigid on oma relvajõududes raudteerattaid kasutanud?

Millised riigid on oma relvajõududes raudteerattaid kasutanud?


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Umbes 15 aastat tagasi lugesin artiklit "raudteel jalgrattasõit" ja selle osana näitas see pilte sõduritest, kes sõitsid rööbastel rööbastel! Usun, et fotod pärinevad aastast 1850 kuni 1950.

See veebisait näitab, mida raudteega jalgrattasõit on kõik umbes.

Neli inimest raudteega sõitmas!

Raudteeratas valmis sõitma!

Kas keegi oskab välja tuua teabeallika konkreetse riigi kohta, kes kasutab oma relvajõududes selliseid jalgrattaid?


Sõjaajaloo ajakirjast (4. köide nr 1 - juuni 1977) on artikkel pealkirjaga JALGRATTAD INGLO-BOERI SÕJAS 1899-1902, autor D.R. Maree, mis tundub sellele küsimusele sobivat.

Sõjatsükkel kandis haakeseadise raamil lisaks kaheksale sõitjale ka mitmeid mehi, võis olla varustatud Maximi püstoliga ja suutis kiirust üle 48 kmh. Foto: Africana muuseum

Raudteeliinidel kasutamiseks ehitati spetsiaalne sõjatsükkel ja selle 8-liikmelise jalgratta prototüüpi saab näha Fort Klapperkopi muuseumis. Selle tõi Lõuna -Aafrikasse Austraalia kuninglik tsiklikorpus ja sellel oli õhkrehvidele paigaldatav eemaldatav velg, mis võimaldas seda kasutada rööbastel. Velje eemaldamisel sai jalgratast kasutada tavalistel teedel. Neid tsükleid kasutati luureks, saadetiste vedamiseks, raudteeliini lammutamistasude kontrollimiseks ja ka haavatute eemaldamiseks raudtee lähedal toimunud kaklusest.


13 Teise maailmasõja sõjaväe mootorrattad

Ehkki mootorrattad olid vähem võimsad ja kaitsevad kui sõja teised sõidukid, kasutati neid Teises maailmasõjas laialdaselt. Need olid kasulikud sõnumitoojatele ja luurevägedele, eriti kiiresti liikuvates koosseisudes. Paljud sõjas osalenud riigid koostasid oma versioonid.

Puch 800

Paljud sõjas kasutatud mootorrattad olid tsiviilmudelid, mille sõjavägi oli omaks võtnud ja üle värvinud. Austria Puch 800 oli üks selle lähenemisviisi näide, paljud üksused ostis armee otse tehasest. Selle kõige ebatavalisem omadus oli madal vee mootor, mis oli paigutatud jalgratta raamile. Tavaliselt varustati see külgkorviga.

Puch 800

FN M12

Liège'i FN Company oli alates I maailmasõjast müünud ​​Belgia armeele tsiviilmootorrattaid. Pärast M86 jalgrataste pakkumist 1936. aastal otsustas ta minna paremaks ja töötada välja mudeli spetsiaalselt sõjaliseks kasutamiseks.

M12 oli oluliselt parem kui M86. Külje külge oli kinnitatud külgkorv, millel olid kuulipilduja kinnitused nii ees kui taga. Võimsam mootor sõitis nii tagaratta kui ka külgkorvi rattaga. Tänu tagurpidikäigule suudab see hästi manööverdada väikestes ruumides.

FN M86 Super Sport 1937 FN M12 tsiviilversioon. Autor: Lars-Göran CC BY-SA 4.0

CZ 175

Üks paljudest sarnastest jalgratastest, mis loodi Tšehhoslovakkia armee jaoks 1930ndatel, ühekohaline CZ 175 polnud võimas jalgratas. Ehitatud kerge jalgrattaga, oli see raskelt maastikul hõlpsasti käsitletav, kuid sellel oli vaid piiratud võimsus. Vedrustus oli ainult esirattal.

A 1939 ČZ 175. Addvisor CC BY-SA 4.0

Gnome-Rhone 750 Armée

1938. aastal Prantsuse armee jaoks ehitatud Armée oli levinumate tsiviilkujunduste karmim ja raskem versioon. See oli tavaliselt varustatud külgkorviga ja seda kasutati kõige sagedamini sidepidamiseks, reisija ringi vedamiseks. Selle lameda kahekordse 750 cm3 mootor vedas tagaratast, kuid mitte külgkorvi.

Täiustatud versioonile AX2 anti 804 cm3 mootor, mis pakkus suurepärast veojõudu, võimaldades sellel paremini halval maastikul liikuda.

Gnome-Rhone 750 Armée. Autor: AlfvanBeem CC0

BMW R75

Suur ja raske jalgratas R75 oli üks paljudest Saksa mudelitest, mis on ehitatud spetsiaalselt külgkorviga töötamiseks. Külgkorvil olid riiulid kas mördi või kuulipilduja kandmiseks, muutes kogu sõiduki mobiilseks relvaplatvormiks. Neid sõidukeid kasutati peamiselt Kradschützeni üksustes - Panzeri divisjonide mobiilsetes mootorrattajõududes. Mõnikord kasutasid neid ka langevarjurid, kes kandsid neid Junkers 52 transportide trümmides.

Külgkorviga mootorratas BMW R75. Autor: Sean O ’Flaherty CC BY-SA 3.0

Zundapp KS750

Zundappi ettevõtte vastus R75 -le oli KS750 veel üks Saksa raske sõjaväe mootorratas. R75 -le sarnase paigutuse ja suurusega mootori ning standardiseeritud külgkorviga oli KS750 BMW mudelist vähe eristada. See teenis samades rollides, kandes jällegi kas mörti või külgkorvi külge kinnitatud kuulipildujat.

Zundapp KS750. Autor: Stefan Kühn CC BY-SA 3.0

Tüüp 97

1937. aastal ehitatud tüüp 97 oli ameerika Harley-Davidsoni jaapani jäljendus. Seda kasutati peamiselt Jaapani kodusaartel, kuid mõnikord viidi see ka välismaale, kuna Jaapani väed levisid üle Ida -Aasia.

Tüüpi 97 toodeti mõnikord soolorattaks, mõnikord kerge külgkorviga. Tavaliselt ei kandnud see relvi, kuigi külgkorvi külge paigaldati aeg -ajalt kuulipilduja.

Väed, kes lükkavad mootorratta läbi jõe. Autor: Bundesarchiv, Bild CC-BY-SA

Excelsior Welbike

Welbike oli ebatavaline Briti disain. Õhudessantvägede liikuvamaks muutmiseks oli see piisavalt väike, et pakkida need konteinerisse ja langevarjuga alla lasta. Tulemuseks oli ebamugava välimusega jalgratas pisikeste rataste ja alajõulise mootoriga, mille võimsus oli vaid 98 cm3. Sadul ja sammas olid transpordiks kokku volditud.

Welbike ei saanud varustust kanda, oli maastikul peaaegu kasutu ja pikkadele sõitjatele sobimatu. Sõjavägi loobus sellest kiiresti, kuid taaselus pärast sõda suhteliselt odava ja kaasaskantava tsiviilsõidukina.

Excelsior Welbike

Norton 16H

Teine Briti jalgratas, 16H vastupidavus ja töökindlus muutsid selle populaarseks vaatamata tagasihoidlikule jõudlusele. Suurbritannia armee kasutas seda enamasti üksikute sõidukitena kolonnide korraldamise ajal ja sõitjate saatmiseks. Kuninglikud õhujõud varustasid selle standardvarustuses külgkorviga. Kanada armee, nagu ka tema Briti kolleeg, kasutas saatmistööks 16H.

1942 mootorratas Norton 16H. Autor: sv1ambo CC BY 2.0

Norton 633

Norton 633 oli 16H võimsam versioon. See oli mõeldud külgkorviga varustamiseks ja see oli ainus Briti sõjaväeratas, mis pakkus külgkorvi rattale vedu. See külgkorv ei sarnanenud tsiviilisikutega, olles pisut rohkem kui avatud kast, ilma ilmastiku eest kaitseta. Sellel oli Bren kerge kuulipilduja riiul ja seda kasutati mõnikord relvaplatvormina.

Norton 633. Autor AlfvanBeem CC0

Cushman Airborne Motor Scooter

Cushmani tõukerattad võeti kasutusele sõja alguses USA suurte sõjaväebaaside sõnumitoojatele ja töötajatele. Nende kasulikkuse tõttu tehti 1944. aastal uus versioon õhudessantvägede kasutamiseks. Nagu Excelsior Welbike, võis ka Cushman Airborne langevarjuga langeda ja maapinnale kokku panna, et langevarjurid liikuvamaks muuta. Sellel oli piiratud sisseseade - sealhulgas tuled puudusid -, kuid see oli tõhusam kui Welbike.

Cushmani mudeli 53 õhusõiduk. Autor: Alf van Beem CC0

Harley-Davidsoni WLA

Olemasoleva tsiviilsõiduki kerge modifikatsioon, Harley-Davidson WLA oli populaarne jalgratas Ameerika relvajõudude seas, kes kasutasid seda politseitööks, luureks ja sidepidamiseks. Selle tuled muudeti tsiviilmudelist vastama sõjalistele standarditele ja see varustati automaatpüstoli kandmiseks spetsiaalsete sulgudega. Kiirusega 65 km / h oli see üks sõja kiiremaid jalgrattaid.

Harley Davidson WLA 45. Joost J. Bakker CC BY 2.0

M1 Extra Light Solo mootorratas

Kaaludes vähem kui poole Harley-Davidsoni WLA-st, oli Ameerika M1 algselt mõeldud õhusõidukitele. Selleks ehitati selle komponendid mahakukkumisele vastu - vajadusel võis süüde töötada isegi ilma akuta. Vastupidav, usaldusväärne ja suurepärane maastikureiside jaoks, hiljem võtsid selle vastu ka teised teenindusharud sõnumitoojate jaoks.


Ühendkuningriigi veteranide raudteekaardid - kõik uuendatud Gen

Veterans Railcard: Mis on maksumus, kes on abikõlblik, mis kuupäeval see avaldatakse?

Veteranide raudteekaart, mis annab Ühendkuningriigi relvajõudude endistele liikmetele soodushinnaga rongireise, on käivitatud ja peagi saadaval - kuid mida kaart pakub ja kellele see sobib?

Mis on uus veteranide raudteekaart?

Kaart töötab sarnaselt teiste rongikaartidega, sealhulgas kaks uut kaarti, mis käivitati eelmisel aastal-üks rongireisijatele vanuses 26–30 aastat ja teine ​​teismelistele vanuses 16–17, mis pakkusid piletihinda poole odavamalt.

Ühendkuningriigi veteranide ID -kaardid: kõik nende kohta

Kes on uue veteranide raudteekaardi jaoks sobilik?

Uus raudteekaart on saadaval veel umbes 830 000 veteranile ja annab neile enamiku rongireisidest kolmandiku. See laiendab allahindlusi veteranidele, keda olemasolevad allahindlused veel ei hõlma.

Kõik veteranid, olenemata nende vanusest, saavad selle kaardi osta, erinevalt teistest raudteekaartidest, mis tavaliselt kehtivad teatud vanuserühmade jaoks.

Hinnanguliselt on 1,6–1,7 miljonit veterani kvalifitseerunud kas pensionäridele (üle 60-aastased) või puuetega inimeste kaardile.

Millal on uus veteranikaart saadaval?

Veterans Railcard on reisidel kasutamiseks saadaval alates 5. novembrist 2020.

Kui palju veteranide kaart maksab?

Transpordiminister Grant Shapps teatas, et üheaastane kaart maksab esialgse sissejuhatava perioodi eest 21 naela, kuid hind tõuseb pärast 31. märtsi 2021 30 naelale.

Märtsi lõpuni on saadaval ka kolmeaastane raudteekaart hinnaga 61 naela.

Milliseid allahindlusi veteranide kaardikaart pakub?

See pakub rongikaardi omanikule ja tema kaaslasele enamiku rongireiside eest kolmandiku ja 60% allahindlust kuni neljale viie kuni 15 -aastasele lapsele.

Valida saab füüsilise kaardi ja digitaalse versiooni vahel.

Praegu on kavas ainult soodushinnaga rongireiside läbimine Inglismaal, kuid valitsus loodab sarnase allahindluse kehtestada kogu Šotimaal ja Walesis.

Samuti tuleb veel kinnitada, kas soodushinnaga reisimist laiendatakse mõnele linnatranspordivõrgule, näiteks Londonile.

10 ebatavalist sõjalist toetust, mida te poleks kuulnud

Mõnedes riigi osades on juba olemas muud piiratud allahindlusskeemid, näiteks Manchester Metrolink, mis pakub vaherahu päeval, mälestuspäeval ja relvajõudude päeval tasuta sõitu endistele kaitseväelastele, kellel on veteranimärk, ja tasuta reisimist teenindavad relvajõudude liikmeid, kellel on kaasas MOD -kaart 90.

Londoni transpordikaartide veterankaardiga Londoni reisisoodustuste lõplikud üksikasjad on Londoni transpordiga veel läbirääkimised.

Veteranide raudteekaart ei ole sama, mis Veterans Concessionary Travel Scheme (VCTS) pass, mis pakub soodushinnaga või tasuta sõitu Londonis ja selle ümbruses asuvatele teenustele kõigile, kes saavad sõjapensioniskeemi või relvajõudude hüvitamisskeemi alusel käimasolevat makset, sealhulgas sõja lesed ja abikõlblikud ülalpeetavad.

VCTS -pass pakub soodushinnaga piletihindu Londoni piletipiirkondades 1–6, samuti kõrvalisi jaamu, sealhulgas Rickmansworthist Amershamini (kaasa arvatud) ja jaamu Carpenders Park kuni Watford Junction, kaasa arvatud, osalevate rongiettevõtete teenuste, Londoni metroo, DLR, Londoni trammid ja enamik busse teenused Suur -Londoni piirkonnas.

HM Forces Railcard on juba saadaval, mida teenindav personal saab osta 21 naela eest aastas.

Kas pereliikmed saaksid kasutada ka veteranide raudteekaarti?

Uus raudteekaart sisaldab sarnaseid tüüptingimusi kui olemasolevad raudteekaardid, kuid veteranide raudteekaart pakub ka abikaasale allahindlusi, tingimusel et nad reisivad koos kaardi omanikuga, ja kuni neli last vanuses 5 kuni 15 aastat 60% soodsamalt.

Miks loodi The Veterans Railcard?

Uus kaart, mis pakub soodushinnaga raudteehindu, on esimene samm valitsuse plaanides teha rohkem, et toetada neid, kes on teeninud oma riiki, ja see tuleb pärast seda, kui valitsus lõi uue veteranide asjade büroo (OVA).

Valitsus lubas pakkuda veteranidele elukestvat tuge.

Loodetavasti aitab uus raudteekaart soodustada veteranide tööalaseid väljavaateid ja tugevdab perekondlikke sidemeid odavama reisimise kaudu.

Soodustus on osa valitsuse uuest veteranide strateegiast, mis toetab kõiki endisi sõjaväelasi ja naisi.

Strateegias sätestatakse toetus neile, kes on teeninud oma riiki sellistes valdkondades nagu tööhõive ja tööoskused, tervis ja heaolu, eluase ja rahandus.


Šveitsi erinevus: relvakultuur, mis toimib

Riigis oli 2001. aastal üks massitulistamine, kuid sellest tulenev relvavastane referendum ei õnnestunud. Šveitslased relvast loobuvad. Kas nende süsteem töötab USA -s?

Šveitsi laskurid tulistavad Berni lähedal iga-aastasel laskeoskuste harjutusel sihtmärkidele, mis asuvad üle 300 m kaugusel

Isegi kui USA-s New Yorgi osariigis New Yorgis toimunud kohutava koolitulistamise tagajärjel tõuseb USA-s uuesti relvade kontrollimise arutelu, ei kavatse relvi armastavad šveitslased relvi maha panna. Selles neutraalses rahvas on relvi kõikjal levinud, teravustamist peetakse lõbusaks ja tervislikuks meelelahutuslikuks tegevuseks igas vanuses inimestele.

Kuigi Šveits ei ole relvakonflikti sattunud pärast katoliiklaste ja protestantide vahelist vastasseisu 1847. aastal, on šveitslased väga tõsised mitte ainult oma õiguse suhtes relvi omada, vaid ka neid avalikult kaasas kanda. Selle üldise heakskiidu ja isegi relvaomanduse üle uhkuse tõttu ei löö keegi silma, kui tsiviilisik sõidab bussi, jalgratta või mootorrattaga lasketiiru, vintpüss üle õla.

"Me ei muuda kunagi oma suhtumist seaduskuulekate kodanike relvade vastutustundlikku kasutamisse," ütleb Hermann Suter, riigi relvafuajee Pro-Tell asepresident, nime saanud legendaarse õunapilduja William Telli järgi, kes kasutas sihtmärgiks tulistamist. vaenlased ammu enne tulirelvade leiutamist.

Šveits jääb relvade arvu kohta elaniku kohta 2,3–4,5 miljoni tulirelva kohta elanike kohta USAst, Jeemenist ja Serbiast maha vaid 8 miljoni elanikuga riigis. Vaatamata relvade levikule on vägivallakuritegude määr madal: valitsuse andmed näitavad 2010. aastal umbes 0,5 relvamõrva 100 000 elaniku kohta. Võrdluseks: USA määr samal aastal oli umbes 5 tulirelva tapmist 100 000 inimese kohta. ÜRO 2011. aasta aruanne.

Erinevalt mõnest teisest raskelt relvastatud riigist on Šveitsi relvaomandus sügavalt juurdunud isamaalise kohustuse ja rahvusliku identiteedi mõttes. Relvi hoitakse kodus, kuna on pikka aega usutud, et vaenlased võivad kiiresti tungida pisikesse Šveitsi, nii et iga sõdur pidi suutma võidelda oma rügemendi kogunemispunkti. (Teise maailmasõja ajal oli Šveitsil oht Saksamaale tungida, kuid ajaloolaste sõnul säästeti teda, sest iga Šveitsi mees oli relvastatud ja laskmiseks koolitatud.)

Kuid "relv igas kapis" traditsioon vaidlustati 2001. aastal, pärast seda, kui rahulolematu kodanik avas oma armee vintpüssist tule piirkondlikus parlamendis, tappes 14 ja vigastades 14 inimest, ning ainuke massitulistamine Šveitsi lähiajaloos. Hilisem vastuseis relvade laialdasele omamisele oli tõukejõuks rangemate relvaõigusaktide kehtestamisel. Valitsus ja relvameelsed rühmitused väitsid siiski, et riigi kehtivad seadused, mis reguleerivad erarelvade müüki, omandiõigust ja litsentsimist, mis hõlmab ka varjatud relvade kandmise keeldu, on piisavalt ranged. Seadus lubab üle 18 -aastastel kodanikel või seaduslikel elanikel, kes on saanud valitsuselt loa ja kellel pole karistusregistrit ega vaimuhaigusi, osta volitatud edasimüüjalt kuni kolm relva, välja arvatud automaatsed tulirelvad. ja valikulised tulirelvad, mis on keelatud. Poolautomaatikaid, mis on USA -s hävingut tekitanud, saab seaduslikult osta.

Võimud tegid siiski ühe möönduse: alates 2008. aastast tuleb kogu sõjalist - kuid mitte era - laskemoona hoida pigem tsentraalsetes arsenalides kui sõdurite kodudes. Arutelu kulmineerus eelmisel aastal üleriigilise rahvahääletusega, kui 56% valijatest lükkas tagasi relvastusvastaste organisatsioonide algatatud ettepaneku keelata armee vintpüssid kodudest täielikult.

Kuigi relvad põhjustavad Šveitsis igal aastal 200–300 enesetappu, ütleb Pro-Tell’s Suter, et seda statistikat tuleb vaadelda laiemalt. Ta juhib tähelepanu sellele, et enesetappudeks kasutatavad kuulid moodustavad vaid väikese osa 75 miljonist laskemoonalaskest, mis Šveitsis igal aastal sõjaväelise ja tsiviilotstarbelise sihtmärgi harjutamise käigus välja lastakse.

Üks põhjus, miks kuritegevuse määr Šveitsis on relvade levikust hoolimata madal ja miks Šveitsi mentaliteeti ei saa Ameerika praegusesse reaalsusesse üle kanda, on ühiskonnas ankurdatud vastutus- ja ohutuskultuur. ja edasi põlvest põlve. Kuni 12 -aastased lapsed kuuluvad oma kohalike kogukondade relvarühmadesse, kus nad õpivad teravustamist. Šveitsi laskespordiliit juhib umbes 3000 klubi ja sellel on 150 000 liiget, sealhulgas noorte sektsioon. Paljud liikmed hoiavad oma relvi ja laskemoona kodus, teised aga jätavad need klubisse. Vaatamata sellisele lihtsale juurdepääsule püstolitele ja vintpüssidele ei ole ükski liige kunagi oma relvi kuritegelikel eesmärkidel kasutanud, ”ütleb ühingu pressiesindaja Max Flueckiger.

"Sotsiaalsed tingimused on kuritegevuse tõkestamisel põhilised," ütleb Suurbritannia Brightoni ülikooli kriminoloogia ja avaliku poliitika professor Peter Squires, kes on uurinud relvavägivalda erinevates riikides ja jõudnud järeldusele, et pigem "toetuskultuur" kui keskendumine individualism, võib takistada massilisi tapmisi.

"Kui inimestel on vastutustundlik, distsiplineeritud ja organiseeritud sissejuhatus sellisesse tegevusse nagu laskmine, on relvavägivalla oht väiksem," ütleb ta ajalehele TIME.

See sotsiaalse ja kodanikuvastutuse tunne on üks põhjusi, miks šveitslased pole kunagi lasknud oma relvad tule alla.


19. sajand

1809
Napoleon Bonaparte oli teinud ettepaneku maksta 12 000 franki (tänase päeva & 250 000 dollari ekvivalent) inimesele, kes suudab välja pakkuda parima viisi oma vägedele toidu marineerimiseks ja säilitamiseks. Aastal 1809 võitis konkursi prantsuse peakokk ja kondiitr Nicolas Appert, kes sai olulise ülevaate: kui ta pani toidu pudelisse ja eemaldas enne selle sulgemist kogu õhu, võis ta pudeli keeta ja selle sisu säilitada. Kasutades korgi ja vahaga suletud klaasnõusid, suutis Appert säilitada mitte ainult köögivilju ja puuvilju, vaid ka tarretisi, siirupeid, suppe ja piimatooteid.

1858
1850. aastate alguses patenteeris Šoti keemik James Young parafiinvaha, mis lõi toidu säilitamiseks kasutatavates purkides parema tihendi. Seejärel patenteeris 1858. aastal John Mason Philadelphiast esimese Masoni purgi, mis oli valmistatud raskekaalulisest klaasist, mis talus konserveerimisprotsessi ajal kõrgeid temperatuure. Mason ’ patendi kehtivusaeg lõppes 1879. aastal, kuid sarnaste purkide tootjad jätkasid Masoni nime kasutamist.

1893
1893. aasta Chicago maailma messil saatis “Pickick King ” HJ Heinz mõned kohalikud poisid, et ahvatleda messikülastajaid tasuta kingitusega ja#x201D, kui nad külastaksid Heinzi ’-d väljaspool asuvat putkat ja maitsksid tema kaubad. Messi lõpuks oli Heinz välja andnud umbes 1 miljoni “pickle nõela ja käivitanud USA ajaloo ühe edukaima turundusmängu. HJ Heinz Company, Inc. kordas 1896., 1898. ja 1939. aasta maailmanäitustel hapukurgi tihvtide reklaamimist. Heinzi tumerohelisi hapukurgi tihvte saab veel tänapäevalgi osta, millele lisanduvad spin-offid, nagu ketšupitihvt ja kuldne hapukurk tihvt.

Kas teadsite?  Henry Heinz tegi lobitööd uute toiduohutuse eeskirjade väljatöötamiseks, nii et tema konkurendid ei saanud enam müüa sarnaseid ohtlike lisanditega tooteid, isegi saates oma poja kohtuma Washingtoni seadusandjatega. Tema jõupingutused aitasid kaasa puhta toidu ja 23. juunil 1906 vastu võetud narkoseadus ja lõpuks Toidu- ja Ravimiameti loomine.

Naised villivad hapukurki H.J. Heinz Company tehases 19. sajandil.  

Transtsendentaalne graafika/Getty Images


Aafrika -Ameerika juhid kogusid survet

22. märtsil 1948 kohtus Truman mustanahaliste juhtidega, et arutada segregatsiooni. “I võib teile öelda selle riigi neegrite meeleolu on see, et nad ei kanna enam kunagi relvi enne, kui igasugune eelarvamus ja diskrimineerimine on kaotatud, ”. president.

Üheksa päeva hiljem Senati relvajõudude komitee ees peetud kuulamisel ütles Randolph: “I soovitab isiklikult neegritel keelduda orjadena võitlemast demokraatia eest, mida nad ei saa omada ega nautida. ”

Ameerika kodanikuvabaduste liidu poolt tähistatud juhtumil läks New Yorgi mustmaastiku aednik Winfrid Lynn vangi pärast seda, kui ta oli oma kohalikule eelnõule öelnud, et ta ei ole sunnitud teenima üksuses, mis on ebademokraatlikult valitud Neeger. ”

Sel juunil teatas Randolph president Trumanile, et kui ta ei anna relvajõudude segregatsiooni lõpetavat täidesaatvat korraldust, peavad afroameeriklased eelnõule vastu.

Kuu aega hiljem, valimiste ähvardamise ja kodanikuõiguste juhtide tugeva surve all, kirjutas Truman alla täidesaatvale korraldusele 9981 — ning lõi presidendi relvajõudude võrdse kohtlemise ja võimaluste komitee, mis on tuntud kui Fahy komitee. protsess.


Kauboi puhke- ja loodusrada | Nebraska

Pikkus: 195 miili
Ühendades põhjapoolseid linnu Valentine ja Norfolk, võib kauboi puhke- ja loodusrada lõpuks pikeneda veel 126 miili ja saada maailma pikimaks rööbasteeks. Sõitjad, kes järgivad seda endist põllumajanduslikku raudteeliini, saavad tõelise ettekujutuse Nebraskaani maapiirkonnast, mis läbib põllumaad, kohalikku preeriat ja Sandhilli riigi rohumaid.


Tähtsündmused:
Rada läbib üle 200 silla, sealhulgas estakaadi 150 jalga Niobrara riikliku maalilise jõe kohal. Kui teil on aega, on Niobrara suurepärane koht torude, kajakisõidu või kanuusõiduks piirkonna ühe varustusega.

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Lähis -Ida 10 tugevamat sõjaväge

Lähis -Ida ja Põhja -Aafrikat peetakse üldiselt üheks kõige vähem stabiilseks osaks maailmas. Majandus- ja rahuinstituut on tõepoolest oma iga -aastases ülemaailmses rahuindeksis kõige vägivaldsema piirkonna.

See ei ole üllatav, arvestades kodusõdu Iraagis, Liibüas, Süürias ja Jeemenis, samuti mässulisi Egiptuse Siinai poolsaarel, vahelduvat vägivalda Iisraelis ja naaberriikides Palestiina territooriumil, lisaks aeg-ajalt ägenemisi Iraanis ja Saudi Araabias ning mujal. .

Paljud suuremad konfliktid on saanud kohalikeks sõdadeks, kus piirkondlikud võimud panevad proovile oma konkurentide võimed. Näiteks Jeemenis võitleb koalitsioon, millesse on kaasatud Saudi Araabia, AÜE ja teised, et taastada president Abed Rabbou Mansour Hadi valitsus, samal ajal kui Iraan on toetanud peamist opositsioonirühmitust, keda tuntakse Houthi mässulistena. Süürias on Iraani, Türgi jt relvajõudude elemente tihedalt kaasatud kõrvuti lugematute mässuliste rühmitustega.

Selline kaasamine nõuab suuri investeeringuid ja Lähis -Ida valitsused on kulutanud tohutuid summasid oma relvajõudude ülalpidamiseks, eriti Pärsia lahe riigid on seotud kuluka võidurelvastumisega. Ülekaalukalt suurim kulutaja on Saudi Araabia. Rahvusvahelise Strateegiliste Uuringute Instituudi (IISS) andmetel oli eelmisel aastal Riyadhi kaitse -eelarve rohkem kui viis järgmist suurimat kulutajat piirkonnas kokku (Iraak, Iisrael, Iraan, Alžeeria, Omaan).

Raha ei ole siiski ainus kriteerium riigi sõjaväe võimete hindamiseks. Samuti on võtmeteguriks relvade ja väljaõppe kvaliteet ja kvantiteet, samuti sõdurite, meremeeste ja lendurite arv, keda saab hädaolukorras kutsuda. Globaalse tulejõu (GFP) indeks kaalub üle 50 sellise teguri, sealhulgas relvavalik arsenalis, olemasoleva tööjõu hulk ja kohaliku kaitsetööstuse võimekus koostada kõige tõhusamate võitlusjõudude edetabelid globaalselt.

Madalamad tulemused on GFP indeksis parimad. Teoreetiline täiuslik skoor on 0,0000, kuigi lähim riik, kuhu see jõuab, on USA, mis edetabeli eesotsas on punktisumma 0,0857. Lähis -Idas on palju erinevaid tulemusi, kusjuures Mauritaania on mõnevõrra halvim esineja, tulemusega 4,2664, mis on ülemaailmses reitingus 130 riigi hulgast neljas. Edetabelis edasi, kuid siiski mitte piisavalt kõrge, et vaatamata viimaste aastate tohututele investeeringutele kärpida piirkondlikku esikümmet, on Katar, kelle tulemus on 1.8943. Kõrgematest kihtidest jääb ilma ka Jordaania, kelle relvajõude on sageli peetud piirkonna võimekamateks. See on Lähis -Ida ja Lähis -Ida regioonis 13, tulemusega 1.2024.

Siin on aga riigid, mis pääsevad esikümnesse vastupidises järjekorras.

10) Araabia Ühendemiraadid

Araabia Ühendemiraadid on GFP -skooriga 0,9087 kõrgemal enamikust oma lahe koostöönõukogu (GCC) naabritest, sealhulgas Bahreinist, Kuveidist, Omaanist ja Katarist. IISS arvab, et riigi väed on "vaieldamatult GCC riikide seas kõige paremini koolitatud ja võimekamad". Nad on viimastel aastatel omandanud väärtuslikke eesliinikogemusi Afganistanis, Liibüas ja Jeemenis ning riigi eriüksused avaldasid paljudele vaatlejatele muljet oma kahepaiksete rünnakutega Jeemeni sadamalinna Adeni vallutamiseks 2015. aasta juulis. Siiski on AÜE relvajõud suhteliselt väikesed , 63 000 tegevteenistujaga.

Kohalik mees jälgib, kuidas esineb AÜE õhujõudude vigurlendude väljapanekumeeskonna Al Fursan lennukit. [+] Dubai õhunäitusel, 13. novembril 2017 (Foto: Marina LystsevaTASS Getty Images'i kaudu)

Iraagi eelarve on teadaolevalt suuruselt teine ​​selle piirkonna riigist, kuigi see on Saudi Araabia kulutasemest veel palju maha jäänud. Riigi relvajõud on viimastel aastatel Islamiriigi võitlejate vastu peetud lahingutes märkimisväärset edu saavutanud, vallutades 2017. aasta oktoobris Mosuli linna tagasi ja ajades nad pärast seda teistest riigi piirkondadest välja. Neid on selles ülesandes aidanud USA ja teiste lääneriikide abi ning Iraani brigaadi Al Quds sõjaline nõuanne. Küsimusi jääb Iraagi relvajõudude konfliktijärgse pikaajalise kuju, eriti selle šiiitide domineeritud rahva mobilisatsiooniüksuste (Al Hashd al Shaabi) ja kurdi vägede rolli kohta. GFP indeksi kohaselt on Iraagi sõjaväe tulemus 0,8961.

Iraagi armee, politseijõud ja Al Hashd al Shaabi miilits korraldavad sõjaväeparaadi. [+] osa võidust Islamiriigi terroristide üle Bagdadis, Iraagis 10. detsembril 2017. (Foto: Murtadha Sudani/Anadolu agentuur/Getty Images)

Marokos on piirkonna suuruselt viies relvajõud, kus on 175 000 sõjaväelast ja veel 13 000 õhujõudu ning 7800 mereväge. Selle eelarve on aga ka üks madalamaid, 2017. aastal vaid 3,5 miljardit dollarit. Sellest hoolimata saavutab see GFP -skoori 0,8702. Riigi väed on omandanud kasulikke kogemusi poliitilise ebastabiilsuse tõttu oma naabruses, eriti vaidlusalusel Lääne-Sahara territooriumil lõuna pool, ning piiratud kogemused kaugemal, sealhulgas osana Saudi Araabia juhitud koalitsioonist Jeemenis. . Lähiaastatel on oodata suuremaid investeeringuid oma sõjavägedesse, mida toetab Saudi Araabia toetus.

Rohkem kui kuus aastat kestnud lahingud on Süüria sõjaväe masina rängalt kahjustada saanud, kuid ka lahingukindlaks muutunud. IISS ütleb, et armees on praegu umbes 105 000 teenistujat, kuid töötajatest napib, mistõttu suurenevad ajateenistuse pingutused, mida paljud püüavad vältida. Tavajõudude kõrval võitlevad liitlasvägede miilitsad on mänginud olulist rolli Bashir al Assadi režiimi kukutamise vältimisel. GFP indeks annab Süüria relvajõududele hindeks 0,7603.

Põhja -Aafrika kõige paremini varustatud vägedega - suurem osa sellest pärineb Venemaalt ja vähemal määral Hiinast - on Alžeeria sõjavägi GFP indeksis 0,4366. Riik on pidanud aastaid võitlema kodumaiste islamistlike äärmuslastega ning seisab silmitsi tülikate piirialadega naabritega, sealhulgas Liibüa ja Mali, rääkimata oma rollist Lääne -Sahara iseseisvusliikumise Polisario Front toetamisel.

5) Saudi Araabia

Piirkondlik hiiglane, vähemalt oma sõjalise eelarve poolest, mis edestab hõlpsalt kõiki teisi rivaale, on Saudi Araabia GFP skoor 0,4302, mis on selle piirkonna üldises viiendal kohal. Riyadhi igal aastal kulutatav tohutu raha tähendab, et riigil on piirkonna kõige paremini varustatud relvajõud, välja arvatud Iisrael. Tema osalemine Jeemeni kodusõjas viimase kolme aasta jooksul on andnud oma vägedele väärtusliku rindekogemuse, kuid suutmatus seal houthi vastaseid alistada on tekitanud küsimusi ka selle kohta, kui tõhus võitlusjõud Saudi sõjavägi tegelikult on.

Saudi F-15 hävituslennuk maandub Khamis Mushayt sõjaväebaasis, osana käimasolevast. [+] operatsioonid Jeemenis 16. novembril 2015. (Foto: FAYEZ NURELDINE/AFP/Getty Images)

Iraanis on relvade all rohkem mehi kui üheski teises selle piirkonna riigis - 350 000 sõjaväes, 18 000 mereväes, 30 000 teenistuses õhujõududes ja veel 125 000 islami revolutsioonilise kaardiväe korporatsioonis (IRGC). Aastaid kestnud rahvusvahelised sanktsioonid on tähendanud, et ta ei ole suutnud hankida paljusid relvasüsteeme välismaalt, sundides teda improviseerima ja arendama olulist kodumaist kaitsetööstust. Ka tema relvajõude peetakse asümmeetrilise sõjapidamise ajal eriti tugevaks. Iraani väed, eriti IRGC eliitüksus Al Quds, on mänginud võtmerolli lahingutes nii Süürias kui ka Iraagis ning Teheran on toetanud ka Jeemenis houthi mässulisi. Iraani GFP skoor 0,3933 edestab seda kõigist oma lähinaabritest.

Iisrael on alati tundnud vajadust tagada oma relvajõudude üle, kui neil on palju vaenulikke naabreid, kellega võidelda. Iisraeli kaitsejõud on vastavalt IISS -ile piirkonna kõige paremini varustatud, koolitatud ja võimekamad, seda ka USA jätkuva tohutu toetuse tõttu. Riigi GFP indeksi skoor 0,3476 asetab selle siiski piirkonna kahe teise taha.

Kuna endine kindral Abdel el Sisi juhib praegu riiki, pole üllatav, et Egiptuse armeel on sisepoliitilisel areenil võimas positsioon. Kaitsejõud on praegu käimas varustuse rekapitaliseerimise programmi raames, kus ostetakse sisse uued hävituslennukid, ründekopterid ja maa-õhk raketid. Siiski on riik vaeva näinud, et toime tulla mässuliste terroristlike rühmituste väljakutsega Siinai poolsaare põhjaosas viimastel aastatel. With a GFP score of 0.2676, Egypt is seen as having the second strongest armed forces in the region and the tenth strongest in the world overall, ahead of the likes of Italy and Pakistan.

Viewed by the GFP as the most powerful in the MENA region with a score of 0.2491, Turkey’s armed forces have faced a turbulent few years, with many officers purged from the services following a failed coup in July 2016. Since then the country has become ever more heavily involved in the war in neighbouring Syria, culminating in the Afrin campaign launched in January 2018. The country also has important overseas military ties with Qatar and Somalia, basing troops in both countries. Not only is it seen as the strongest military force in the MENA region, it is ranked in eighth place globally, just ahead of Germany and one place below Japan.

Turkish soldiers parade during the celebrations for the 94th anniversary of Republic Day in . [+] Istanbul, Turkey, on October 29, 2017. (Photo: Salih Zeki Fazlioglu/Anadolu Agency/Getty Images)


A new way to travel across the US

Stretching an extraordinary 3,700 miles from Washington DC to the Pacific Ocean, an ambitious new bike trail is aiming to be “America’s Main Street”.

Ryan Gardill used to love backpacking. Getting into the outdoors and covering ground was one of the Lancaster, Pennsylvania, native&rsquos favourite things to do. But as the 29-year-old former US Marine&rsquos joints and back began struggling to carry the weight of a backpack, he decided it was time to get on a bike.

That opened up a whole new world.

&ldquoI&rsquod always dreamed of doing a thru-hike or bike,&rdquo he said. &ldquoA guy from work talked about a trail going from Pittsburgh to DC. I said: &lsquoThat sounds awesome!&rsquo.&rdquo

So, in August, Gardill and his colleague embarked on a 350-mile journey, pedalling across converted railroad trails from western Pennsylvania to Washington DC.

The Great American Rail-Trail is the most ambitious biking initiative the country has ever seen

Passing through Pennsylvania, Maryland and DC, Gardill&rsquos trip may seem like a major undertaking. Yet it&rsquos just a small fraction of an unprecedented new scenic pathway aiming to traverse the United States from coast to coast.

The Great American Rail-Trail is the most ambitious biking initiative the country has ever seen. Stretching an extraordinary 3,700 miles from the nation&rsquos capital across 12 states to the Pacific Ocean, west of Seattle, it&rsquos an idea that&rsquos been ruminating for 50 years. The Rail-Trail will connect more than 125 existing multi-use paths, greenways, trails and towpaths. An official route was announced to the public in May 2019 by the Rails-to-Trails Conservancy (RTC), the Washington DC-based non-profit leading the effort, when the trail was already more than half completed.

&ldquoDetermining the route was a 30-year journey,&rdquo said Brandi Horton, vice-president of communications at the RTC.

The trail is largely built atop or next to abandoned railway lines (hence the name) with surfaces ranging from crushed stone to smooth asphalt. These railbanks &ndash abandoned railway corridors converted into trails &ndash account for more than 24,000 miles of multi-use trails crisscrossing the US.

Once it is fully completed &ndash estimated to be before 2040 &ndash almost one in six Americans will live within 50 miles of the route, and it will offer an unparalleled experience of the country people can&rsquot see from 36,000ft or through a car window.

The timing couldn&rsquot be better. According to an RTC study, in spring, trail use across the US spiked by 200%, in large part due to the coronavirus pandemic. With team sports and gyms mostly off people&rsquos minds now and for the foreseeable future, the boom in outdoor, physically distanced activities such as cycling and hiking is expected to last for years.

I want rail-trails to be America&rsquos Main Street

&ldquoI think [the pandemic] demonstrated to a lot of officials that access to the outdoors actually is key. Creating these connections is really critical,&rdquo said Horton.

Yet, the vision for the coast-to-coast trail isn&rsquot just utilitarian it&rsquos a way to reveal how the US&rsquo diverse tapestry of communities fit together, and how the country&rsquos past connects to its present.

&ldquoI want rail-trails to be America&rsquos Main Street,&rdquo the RTC&rsquos co-founder David Burwell said back in 2006. Biking or hiking slowly across cities, towns and rural landscapes not only gives travellers a deeper understanding of local communities and cultures, but it also helps reveal the little-known histories that have contributed to the country&rsquos identity.

On the East Coast, the trail starts in downtown DC, passing a stone&rsquos throw from the Smithsonian Museums and the National Mall before heading north-west across Maryland. There, hikers and cyclists can overnight at a series of 19th-Century lockhouses along the Chesapeake & Ohio Canal, an Industrial Revolution marvel that played a pivotal role in providing troops&rsquo supplies during the US Civil War. In the 1800s, these buildings were home to lockkeepers who collected canal tolls on the Appalachian lumber and coal that helped fuel the US&rsquo westward expansion.

Most of the towns on the trail were once important areas to the future of America, only to be forgotten in time

According to Gardill, there are also dozens of open-ground camping &ldquocut-outs&rdquo that have water wells and toilets along the rural sections of the C&O Canal&rsquos Towpath, which runs 184.5 miles between DC&rsquos Georgetown neighbourhood and Cumberland, Maryland.

For Gardill and his cycling buddy, a day on the trail would start at around 07:00 with coffee and breakfast. They&rsquod then ride until 11:00, pedal into a local town and get some lunch. &ldquoWe&rsquod never pass up an opportunity for a beer, so we ended up stopping at five breweries,&rdquo he said. They&rsquod get back on the trail and cycle until four in the afternoon before stopping, setting up camp and settling in for a night under the stars.

Gardill&rsquos expedition saw him cross the Eastern Continental Divide close to the 3,118ft-long Paw Paw Canal Tunnel in Allegany County, Maryland. Eighty miles west, on the banks of the Potomac and Shenandoah rivers that cut through the Blue Ridge Mountains, is the steep, cobblestoned town of Harper&rsquos Ferry, West Virginia, where abolitionist John Brown famously attempted to start a slave revolt in 1859. &ldquoIt&rsquos absolutely beautiful. It&rsquos like time has not touched the town since the 1700s,&rdquo he said.

&ldquoThe trail connected me to [the US&rsquo] revolutionary and industrial history, as every town is filled with historical areas,&rdquo Gardill added. &ldquoMost of the towns on the trail were once important areas to the future of America, only to be forgotten in time.&rdquo

For him, part of the attraction of thru-biking is its simplicity. As well as a tent and sleeping bag, Gardill packed a portable burner to cook dehydrated meals, water bottles and water purifiers. &ldquoIf you have a tent and a sleeping bag and a bike, you&rsquore really set,&rdquo he said. He also recommends bringing along spare bike tubes, patch kits and a bike tool kit.

For those heading west, the trail passes through the heart of Ohio&rsquos Swartzentruber Amish country, a community that completely eschews modern technology and continues to speak Pennsylvania German as their first language. In hollowed-out Rust Belt towns fighting to get back on their feet, the echoes of thriving manufacturing communities once linked by rail in south-west Pennsylvania and Indiana tell the story of boom-and-bust capitalism. Further west, the trail crosses the Mississippi River that famously inspired Mark Twain and has long shaped the US&rsquo history and culture at Moline, Illinois, before spanning the Continental Divide in Montana. In Idaho, encounters with moose and other wildlife aren&rsquot uncommon along the historic Coeur d&rsquoAlene trail that was carved out of mountainous rock by gold prospectors seeking their fortune in the mid-19th Century.

Nearing the route&rsquos end, the ferry trip crossing the Puget Sound in Seattle is another highlight, as travellers pass through a region once home to thriving Suquamish, Duwamish, Nisqually, Snoqualmie and Muckleshoot Native American settlements before skirting the northern fringes of Olympic National Park, one of the largest temperate rainforests in the country. The lapping waters of the Pacific Ocean greet you at La Push, Washington.

While the broader health benefits of spending time outdoors are well-documented, trails along the &ldquoGreat American&rdquo, as it&rsquos known, are already playing a key role in helping revitalise economies in dozens of post-industrial towns across the US Heartland: Steubenville and Dayton in Ohio Muncie, Indiana and Joliet, Illinois, all have burgeoning brewery scenes situated close to the trail. The Rails-to-Trails Conservancy estimates the trail could generate as much as $138bn for communities that build campsites, eateries and water and other adventure companies along the route.

Perry, Iowa, population 7,676, is one such place. Built around a rail route that opened in 1869 and closed less than a century later, its railway line has since been repurposed for recreational hiking and biking. With the Great American now passing through the heart of town and future sections connecting it with neighbouring Illinois and Nebraska, locals are hoping it can contribute to a revival.

&ldquoIt is a huge thing and will bring many more people to Perry,&rdquo said Betsy Peterson, who runs an art and pottery business a five-minute walk from the trail.

Down the street, the historical Hotel Pattee, Perry&rsquos landmark building, offers an indoor bike storage area as well as a repair station out front. &ldquoWhen people are out on a bike trip, it&rsquos important they have some down time. I think Perry is a great place to stop and have a beer or a meal and relax,&rdquo added Peterson.

Embarking on such a major undertaking, however, hasn&rsquot been easy. Large sections of the trail, particularly across Wyoming, where only 2% is currently completed, are yet to be built or mapped out. The Rails-to-Trails Conservancy has taken on the mammoth task of working with trail planners, local and state agencies, elected officials and governors&rsquo offices along the route that has involved 250 meetings held over 18 months in 2018 and 2019. About 300 trail plans were studied to determine the route.

&ldquoWe wanted to be sure that the route would meet local and state needs, but that it would actually connect,&rdquo said Horton. &ldquoIt was definitely a labour of love.&rdquo

Still, while some western states have work to do, in places such as DC, Maryland, Illinois and Pennsylvania, more than 86% of the route is already open.

It was on these quiet, forested trails where Gardill averaged 60 miles a day on his bike. Five days and two hours after setting off, he reached the National Mall in downtown DC.

&ldquoRiding this trail has shown me that America is filled with the kindest people you can hope to meet,&rdquo he said. &ldquoYou are always only a few miles from a good meal and a conversation.&rdquo

His next step? Doing it all over again.

After all, he said, &ldquoI couldn&rsquot just do it once.&rdquo

PARANDUS: A previous version of this story stated that Harper&rsquos Ferry was the furthest point north reached by Confederate forces during the Civil War. This has now been amended.

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When the slave power extended its tentacles into the North with the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850, Tubman relocated to Canada along with thousands of other black refugees. Tubman risked her freedom again and again, not just by returning to the North, but also with missions into the Slave South. Her activities became even more notorious when Tubman became a staunch supporter of John Brown, who called her “General Tubman” long before Lincoln began handing out commissions.

Early in the war, Tubman informally attached herself to the military. Benjamin Butler, a Democrat, had been a member of the Massachusetts delegation to Congress and made a name for himself in the Union Army. A tough opportunist, Butler was often underestimated until his bully tactics began to pay off. Commissioned a brigadier general, Butler led his men into Maryland, where he threatened to arrest any legislator who attempted to vote for secession.

Trailing along with Butler’s all-white troops in May 1861, Tubman arrived at the camps near Fort Monroe, Va. The large fort and the nearby tent city of troops soon became a major magnet for escaped slaves. Tubman found herself in familiar territory.

How Harriet Tubman's military service added up to $20 — a month

Her experience during the Civil War is a bona fide part of her legacy.

By March 1862, the Union had conquered enough territory that Secretary of War Edwin Stanton designated Georgia, Florida and South Carolina as the Department of the South. Massachusetts Governor John Andrew, a staunch abolitionist, asked Tubman to join the contingent of his state’s volunteers heading for South Carolina, and promised his sponsorship. Andrew also obtained military passage for Tubman on USS Atlantic.

The Union troops along the coast of South Carolina were in a precarious position. They were essentially encircled, with Confederates on three sides and the ocean on the fourth. Nevertheless, Maj. Gen. David Hunter, the newly appointed Union commander of the region, had ambitious ideas about how to expand Northern control.

In November 1862, Colonel Thomas Wentworth Higginson arrived with the 1st South Carolina Volunteers, and Colonel James Montgomery and the 2nd South Carolina were in the area by early 1863. Escaped slaves filled both regiments, and Higginson and Montgomery both knew Tubman from before the war. In those men, both abolitionists, Tubman had gained influential friends and advocates, and they suggested that a spy network be established in the region.

Tubman had spent 10 months as a nurse ministering to the sick of those regiments, and by early 1863 she was ready for a more active role. She was given the authority to line up a roster of scouts, to infiltrate and map out the interior. Several were trusted boat pilots, like Solomon Gregory, who knew the local waterways very well and could travel on them undetected. Her closely knit band included men named Mott Blake, Peter Burns, Gabriel Cahern, George Chisholm, Isaac Hayward, Walter Plowden, Charles Simmons and Sandy Suffum, and they became an official scouting service for the Department of the South.

/>Harriet Tubman launched an illustrious career as a member of the Underground Railroad. Tubman was the “Great Emancipator,” leading scores of escaping African Americans to freedom, often all the way to Canada. She built up a network of supporters and admirers, including William Lloyd Garrison and William Seward, to name but two who lauded her efforts. (Library of Congress)

Tubman’s espionage operation was under the direction of Stanton, who considered her the commander of her men. Tubman passed along information directly to either Hunter or Brig. Gen. Rufus Saxton. In March 1863, Saxton wrote confidently to Stanton concerning a planned assault on Jacksonville, Fla.: “I have reliable information that there are large numbers of able bodied Negroes in that vicinity who are watching for an opportunity to join us.”

Based on the information procured by Tubman’s agents, Colonel Montgomery led a successful expedition to capture the town. Tubman’s crucial intelligence and Montgomery’s bravado convinced commanders that other extensive guerrilla operations were feasible.

Their confidence led to the Combahee River Raid in June 1863 — a military operation that marked a turning point in Tubman’s career. Until then, all of her attacks upon the Confederacy had been purposefully clandestine. But she did not remain anonymous with her prominent role in that military operation.

South Carolina’s lowcountry rice plantations sat alongside tidal rivers that fanned inland from the Atlantic and that had some of the South’s richest land and largest slave populations. Federal commanders wanted to move up the rivers to destroy plantations and liberate slaves in order to recruit more black regiments.

The raid up the Combahee River, a twisting waterway approximately 10 miles north of Beaufort where Tubman and her comrades were stationed, commenced when the Federal gunboats Harriet A. Weed and John Adams steamed into the river shortly before midnight on the evening of June 2, 1863. Tubman accompanied 150 African-American troops from the 2nd South Carolina Infantry and their white officers aboard John Adams. The black soldiers were particularly relieved that their lives had been entrusted not only to Colonel Montgomery but also to the famed “Moses.”

Tubman had been informed of the location of Rebel torpedoes — floating mines planted below the surface of the water — in the river and served as a lookout for the Union pilots, allowing them to guide their boats around the explosives unharmed. By 3 a.m., the expedition had reached Fields Point, and Montgomery sent a squad ashore to drive off Confederate pickets, who withdrew but sent comrades to warn fellow troops at Chisholmville, 10 miles upriver.

Meanwhile, a company of the 2nd South Carolina under Captain Carver landed and deployed at Tar Bluff, two miles north of Fields Point. The two ships steamed upriver to the Nichols Plantation, where Harriet A. Weed anchored. She also guided the boats and men to designated shoreline spots where scores of fugitive slaves were hiding out. Once the “all clear” was given, the slaves scrambled onto the vessels.

“I never saw such a sight,” Tubman described of the scene. “Sometimes the women would come with twins hanging around their necks it appears I never saw so many twins in my life bags on their shoulders, baskets on their heads, and young ones tagging along behind, all loaded pigs squealing, chickens screaming, young ones squealing.”

According to one Confederate onlooker, “[Tubman] passed safely the point where the torpedoes were placed and finally reached the … ferry, which they immediately commenced cutting way, landed to all appearances a group at Mr. Middleton’s and in a few minutes his buildings were in flames.”

Robbing warehouses and torching planter homes was an added bonus for the black troops, striking hard and deep at the proud master class. The horror of this attack on the prestigious Middleton estate drove the point home. Dixie might fall at the hands of their former slaves. The Confederates reportedly stopped only one lone slave from escaping — shooting her in flight.

Hard charging to the water’s edge, the Confederate commander could catch only a glimpse of escaping gunboats, pale in the morning light. In a fury, Confederate Major William P. Emmanuel pushed his men into pursuit — and got trapped between the riverbank and Union snipers.

In the heat of skirmish, Emmanuel’s gunners were able to fire off only four rounds, booming shots that plunked harmlessly into the water. Frustrated, the Confederate commander cut his losses after one of his men was wounded and ordered his troops to pull back. More than 750 slaves would be freed in the overnight operation on the Combahee.

The Union invaders had despoiled the estates of the Heywards, the Middletons, the Lowndes, and other South Carolina dynasties. Tubman’s plan was successful. The official Confederate report concluded: “The enemy seems to have been well posted as to the character and capacity of our troops and their small chance of encountering opposition, and to have been well guided by persons thoroughly acquainted with the river and country.”

Federal commanders came to depend on her, but kept her name out of official military documents. As a black and a woman she became doubly invisible. This invisibility aided her when Union commanders sent her as far south as Fernandina, Fla., to assist Union soldiers dropping like flies from fevers and fatigue.

Robbing the “Cradle of Secession” was a grand theatrical gesture, a headline-grabbing strategy that won plaudits from government, military and civilian leaders throughout the North. After the Combahee River Raid, critics North and South could no longer pretend that blacks were unfit for military service, as this was a well-executed, spectacularly successful operation.

Flushed with triumph, Hunter wrote jubilantly to Secretary of War Stanton on June 3, boasting that Combahee was only the beginning. He also wrote to Governor Andrew, promising that Union operations would “desolate” Confederate slaveholders “by carrying away their slaves, thus rapidly filling up the South Carolina regiments of which there are now four.” Andrew had been a champion of black soldiers, a steadfast supporter of Hunter’s campaign to put ex-slaves in uniform.

The Confederacy discovered overnight what it took the Union’s Department of the South over a year to find out — Harriet Tubman was a formidable secret weapon whose gifts should never be underestimated. Federal commanders came to depend on her, but kept her name out of official military documents. As a black and a woman she became doubly invisible. This invisibility aided her when Union commanders sent her as far south as Fernandina, Fla., to assist Union soldiers dropping like flies from fevers and fatigue.

Tubman’s own health faltered during the summer of 1864, and she returned north for a furlough. She was making her way back South in early 1865 when peace intervened, so she returned to Auburn, where she had settled her parents, and made a home. Postwar, Tubman often lived hand to mouth, doing odd jobs and domestic service to earn her living, but she also collected money for charity. She sought patrons to realize her dream of establishing a home for blacks in her hometown—for the indigent, the disabled, the veteran and the homeless.

“It seems strange that one who has done so much for her country and been in the thick of the battles with shots falling all about her, should never have had recognition from the Government in a substantial way,” chided the writers of a July 1896 article in The Chautauquan. Tubman echoed that lament: “You wouldn’t think that after I served the flag so faithfully I should come to want under its folds.”

In 1897 a petition requesting that Congressman Sereno E. Payne of New York “bring up the matter [of Tubman’s military pension] again and press it to a final and successful termination” was circulated and endorsed by Auburn’s most influential citizens. Payne’s new bill proposed that Congress grant Tubman a “military pension” of $25 per month — the exact amount received by surviving soldiers.

A National Archives staffer who later conducted research on this claim suggested there was no extant evidence in government records to support Tubman’s claim that she had been working under the direction of the secretary of war. Some on the committee believed that Tubman’s service as a spy and scout, supported by valid documentation, justified such a pension. Others suggested that the matter of a soldier’s pension should be dropped, as she could more legitimately be pensioned as a nurse.

One member of the committee, W. Jasper Talbert of South Carolina, possibly blocked Tubman’s pension vindictively — it was a point of honor to this white Southern statesman that a black woman not be given her due.

Regardless, a compromise was finally achieved, decades after she had first applied for a pension based on her service. In 1888, Tubman had been granted a widow’s pension of $8 a month, based on the death of her second husband, USCT veteran Nelson Davis. The compromise granted an increase “on account of special circumstances.” The House authorized raising the amount to $25 (the exact amount for surviving soldiers), while the Senate amended with an increase to only $20 — which was finally passed by both houses.

President William McKinley signed the pension into law in February 1899. After 30 years of struggle, Tubman’s sense of victory was tremendous. Not only would the money secure her an income and allow her to continue her philanthropic activities, her military role was finally validated. Details of Tubman’s wartime service became part of the Congressional Record, with the recognition that “in view of her personal services to the Government, Congress is amply justified in increasing that pension.”

Tubman’s heroic role in the Civil War is finally being highlighted and appreciated for what it was, part of a long life of struggling for freedom, risking personal liberty for patriotic sacrifice.


NATO Military Map Symbols

All armies use a system of codified symbols to enable command staffs to mark paper maps, sand tray mock-ups and computer displays to be marked in such a way as to show what military forces are doing at the moment, what has been planned for them to do or if a particular event has happened, such as a nuclear explosion or a unit's movement (1).


Move of Fourteenth Mechanised Infantry Brigade to a new location

They can also show some basic information about the forces themselves, such as a unit's location, ID, role, type and size (2) or a weapon's type, caliber and location (3, 4).


Location of the main HQ for the Third Infantry Division


Heavy Mortar (140mm caliber)


An armoured car with cross-country capability

The most common system is that developed by the NATO alliance, and used by its member states, the states that have joined the Partnership for Peace and an increasing number of non-member states, such as Australia and New Zealand. The second most widely used system is that of the Russian Army, employed by a number of the former Soviet states and Warsaw Pact countries. Most other countries use nationally-developed systems. Many of these share symbols that are quite close, while others are completely different (5). In addition, by using the same system of tactical symbols, the hierarchical organisation of a particular unit can be shown, in a sort of family tree style (6).


In NATO, friendly forces are in BLUE or BLACK, while enemy forces are in RED. In Russia, friendly forces are in RED, while enemy forces are in BLUE.


Depicts a mechanised infantry brigade with three mechanised infantry battalions (far left), one take battalion (second from left), a mechanised artillery battalion (second from right) and an engineer company (far right)

As such, displays that include a great deal of information can be built up using this relatively simple method. While this sort of symbology is obviously used a great deal in today's armed forces, it can also be seen in the wargaming and simulation arena, not so much in the traditional miniatures wargames, which represent military units by actual figures (if infantry of cavalry) or models (if artillery or AFVs), but in board and computer wargames. Board wargames, from companies such as SPI, Avalon Hill, Decision Games, Victory Games and 3W, represent a particular conflict, campaign or battle on a 2D representation of the battlefield that shows important terrain details such as topography, the road and rail infrastructure, built-up areas, rivers, swamps and marshland and are vaguely similar to an Ordnance Survey map, but usually stylised and incorporate a hex grid to regulate movement and combat. The military units are represented by cardboard counters that often have the NATO symbols on them to let the player know what the unit is, as well as having numeric qualities, such as 'attack strength', 'defence strength' and 'movement allowance' in order to govern how the unit performs in the game. The same is true for slightly older computer wargames (and true military simulations), but the more modern computer wargames such as Blitzkrieg, Codename Panzers, Combat Mission and Soldiers: Heroes of World War II follow the 'Command and Conquer' pattern of having 3D battlefields and units represented by 3D figures, being almost a computer miniatures wargame.

The basic unit symbol is a rectangle, with the lengths of the horizontal and vertical lines having a ratio of approximately 3:2 (7). A variation on this is the symbol for a headquarters unit (8) that has a vertical line dropping down from the left corner (so it looks a bit like a flag). Other basic symbols include an equilateral triangle with the point upwards for an observation post (9), an equilateral triangle with the point downwards for an electronic unit (10) and a circle for a logistics / administrative unit (11).

Unit size details are usually placed on top of the rectangle and are represented by a series of dots and vertical lines (12) for units that are of regimental-size or below, or crosses (13) for units that are of brigade-size or above.

For certain arms of service, the particular term for the size of unit differs from that used in the infantry, such as armoured or cavalry units, where a platoon-sized unit is often referred to as a troop and a company-sized unit is often referred to as a squadron. Also, the term 'regiment' can refer to three different types of unit. It can refer to what used to be horse-equipped (i.e. non-infantry) battalion-sized units, such as an armoured, cavalry or artillery unit, for example, 40th Field Regiment, Royal Artillery or 35e Regiment Artillerie Parachutiste. Alternatively, it can refer to a tactical infantry unit made up of between two and five battalions but without the same level of supporting arms as is usually associated with a brigade. An example of this is a US Marine Corps Infantry Regiment that contains three Marine Infantry Battalions but becomes a Marine Amphibious Brigade when it is allocated supporting assets. Both the brigade and regiment can be used to form a division, for example, through much of the Cold War, countries within the NATO Alliance tended to use brigades as sub-components of their divisions, whereas members of the Warsaw Pact tended to use regiments. Lastly, some armies have the regiment as an administrative organisation, which is responsible for organisation, manning, personnel matters, welfare and traditions (such as the British Army), but which does not itself go to war - the individual battalions go into the field. A brigade is usually a direct sub-unit of a division that is self-sufficient unit with infantry, armour, artillery, engineers and army aviation (obviously one arm will dominate depending on the exact type of brigade it is) with its own logistics and administrative units. In some armies however, a brigade is a temporary unit, formed from divisional assets to perform a specific mission.

Within the rectangle, is shown the unit (14a) or weapon (14b) type, the three basic symbols being the infantry (a diagonal cross representing their webbing cross-straps), tank or armoured (a stretched circle representing the caterpillar tread) and artillery (a circle representing a cannon ball). Many of the unit symbols available are variants of these, although a number of additional symbols are used as well. For example, mechanised infantry is represented by a combination of the infantry and armour symbols, whereas parachute infantry often have the infantry symbol with an additional 'bird' symbol underneath.

A unit's location is usually assumed to be at the centre of the lower edge of the symbol, or sometimes a line can be drawn from the centre of the lower edge to where the unit is if its necessary to offset the symbol (15).


The location of the HQ, 5th Infantry Division, and the 1st Infantry Division in Bremen

Also, if a unit is spread out and covering a larger area than normal, its area can be indicated by drawing a 'blob' with the unit symbol at the centre (16).

In NATO, the designation of friendly units is indicated by them being blue (17), while enemy forces are red (18).

If its on a monochrome display, friendly forces are indicated by a single-lined symbol (19) and enemy forces by a double-lined symbol (20).

If indicating a unit in its current position, the unit is shown with solid lines, if it is showing a future position, the lines are broken (21).

The unit title is usually placed on the left-hand side, either in the centre or at the bottom corner and must agree with the unit type and size symbols (22).


The Fifth Infantry Division

In addition, the identification of higher formations can also be placed on the symbol, on the right-hand side, either in the centre or at the bottom corner (23).


This is the 3rd Infantry Battalion, from the 4th Brigade of the 5th Division. '0' indicates that there is no regimental-level (as in the British Army, for example).

The higher formations are listed in the order of battalion, brigade, regiment, division, corps and army, separated by a '/'. If it is necessary to show the time, a date / time group (DTG) is placed at the top left-hand corner of the symbol and consists of up to six figures and three or four letters (24).


Indicates the location of the 4th Infantry Brigade as of 13.20 on 5th June

The first two numbers show the date (prefixed with a 0 if between 1 and 9), the next four numbers show the time (using the 24-hour clock), this is then followed (if necessary) by a letter denoting the time zone and finally, three letters indicating the month. The DTG on its own is used to denote the time and date that the unit was known to be at that location. It may also be prefixed by the letters 'NMB' (No Move Before), or possibly the length of stay by having 'From (DTG)' on one line, followed by 'To (DTG)' on a second line. If necessary, a mobility indicator can be placed beneath a unit to show the the type of mobility the unit has i.e. wheeled, tracked or ski.

In some instances, a boundary can be shown between units, for example, if units are tightly packed covering a common frontage (25). This is more common for maps and diagrams covering higher-level formations, such as one depicting corps and army level formations on the Eastern Front during the Second World War or in Germany on NATO's Central Front during the Cold War. Where a boundary separates two units of different size, the symbol for the larger unit will ordinarily be shown. The exception is where a unit rear boundary is shown that will show the size symbol of the unit concerned and not the symbol of the larger unit.

In drawing such maps, left and right are always defined when facing the enemy, boundaries are referred to by the senior unit to which they apply, for example, the boundary between the divisions in two separate corps is referred to as the inter-corps boundary. Finally, the nationalities of NATO countries is designated by a two-letter group and many non-NATO countries are designated using a three-letter group. For example, United Kingdom - UK, United States - US, Turkey - TU, Greece - GR, Spain - SP, Portugal - PO, Norway - NO, Netherlands - NL, Luxembourg - LU, Italy - IT, Germany - GE, France - FR, Denmark - DK, Canada - CA and Belgium - BE.

Bibliograafia

'Basic Military Map Symbols' in Lee, U. The Employment of Negro Troops, Center of Military History, US Army, Washington DC, 1966, CMH Pub 11-4, p. 715. Also available at http://www.army.mil/cmh-pg/books/wwii/11-4/symbols.htm as of 17 May 2006.

Military Map Symbols Webpage, part of the HyperWar Website, currently located at http://www.ibiblio.org/hyperwar/maps/MapSym.html as of 17 May 2006.

Miller, D. NATO Military Map Symbols Handbook, International Defence Review Quarterly Report, Number 1, Jane's Information Group, 1996.



Kommentaarid:

  1. Latif

    Kahju, et ma ei saa nüüd rääkida - olen sunnitud minema minema. I will be set free - I will definitely speak my mind.

  2. Fenris

    Milline haruldane õnn! Milline õnn!

  3. Cheston

    You have an inquisitive mind :)

  4. Arashikasa

    I think someone is stuck here



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