Ajalugu Podcastid

23.9.2016 Netanyahu ja Abbas kaks väga erinevat kõnet - ajalugu

23.9.2016 Netanyahu ja Abbas kaks väga erinevat kõnet - ajalugu

Peaminister Benjamin Netanyahu ja Palestiina omavalitsuse presidendi Mahmoud Abbasi neljapäeval ÜROs peetud kõned võtavad kokku Iisraeli ja Palestiina suhete olukorra-Abbasi juhtimisel on palestiinlased rahu saavutamiseks liiga nõrgad ja Iisrael on liiga tugev, et seda vajada. teha järeleandmisi rahu saavutamiseks. Netanyahu teatas uhkusega:

„Praegu on Iisraelil diplomaatilised suhted enam kui 160 riigiga. See on peaaegu kahekordne arv, kui meil oli umbes 30 aastat tagasi siin Iisraeli suursaadikuna. Ja need sidemed muutuvad iga päevaga aina laiemaks ja sügavamaks ... Meie võrratu kogemuse ja tõestatud võimete tõttu terrorismi vastu võitlemisel otsivad paljud teie valitsused meie abi teie riikide turvalisuse tagamiseks.

Paljud püüavad kasu saada ka Iisraeli leidlikkusest põllumajanduses, tervishoius, vees, kübervaldkonnas ning suurandmete, ühenduvuse ja tehisintellekti sulandumisel - sellest termotuumasünteesist, mis muudab meie maailma igati. ”

See oli suure osa Netanyahu üldiselt meeliülendava pöördumise toon; seevastu Abbasele, kes ütles:

„Siinkohal pean veel kord paluma teil pakkuda rahvusvahelist kaitset Palestiina rahvale, kes on alates 1967. aastast kannatanud Läänekaldal, sealhulgas Ida -Jeruusalemmas, ja Gaza sektoris. Kui te ei taga meile kaitset, siis kes seda teeb?

Hiljem asus Abbas kummalisele, kuid jutukale puutujale:

„Tuleva aasta lõpuks möödub Balfouri deklaratsioonist 100 aastat, Palestiina rahva Al-Nakbast 70 aastat ja 50 aastat Iisraeli Läänekalda, sealhulgas Ida-Jeruusalemma ja Gaza sektori okupeerimisest.

Jah, 100 aastat on möödunud kurikuulsast Balfouri deklaratsioonist, millega Suurbritannia andis ilma igasuguse õiguse, volituste ja nõusolekuta Palestiina maa teisele rahvale. See sillutas teed Palestiina rahva Nakbale ning nende äravõtmisele ja maalt ümberasustamisele. Justkui sellest ei piisaks, tõlgendas Briti mandaat seda deklaratsiooni poliitikateks ja meetmeteks, mis aitasid toime panna kõige jubedamaid kuritegusid nende maa rahumeelse rahva vastu - rahvaks, kes pole kunagi kedagi rünnanud ega kellegi vastu sõjas osalenud. ”

Kui jätta kõrvale Abbasi avalduse erinevad ajaloolised ebatäpsused, peegeldab see ajalooliste kaebustega tegelemist teravalt Palestiina mõtteviisi ja selgitab, miks see konflikt tundub nii lahendamatu.

Eile õhtul, õhtusöögil, rääkis äsja Balkanilt naasnud sõber kurva loo lastest, kes ei saa turvaliselt kooli minna, sest nende sugulane tappis kolm põlvkonda tagasi konkureeriva klanni sugulasi. See kurb anekdoot tuletas mulle meelde palestiinlasi, kes ei suuda teha järeleandmisi, mis võivad rahule viia, sest neid tabavad jätkuvalt tajutud ajaloolised üleastumised - nii on see olnud kogu konflikti ajal. Esimene Araabia-Iisraeli sõda toimus, sest araablased/palestiinlased olid kinnisideeks oma tajutud õigustest. Nad ei tahtnud ega suutnud tegelikkusega leppida. Nad ei võtnud vastu jagunemist ega juudi riiki Palestiina osas.

Selle tulemusena võitis sõja Iisrael ja Jordaania annekteeris Läänekalda. See jääb tänaseks jutuks - Iisrael on tugev lääneriik, mille majandus on lääne tugevamate seas; samal ajal kui palestiinlastel on Gazas vaesunud eelriik, mis elab abist; ja rida kantoneid Läänekaldal, kus palestiinlased säilitavad piiratud suveräänsuse. Abbas on 81-aastane juht, ilma valimisseadusteta; Netanyahu on valitud neljal korral ja juhib tugevat inimeste koalitsiooni, kes jagavad enamasti tema ideoloogilisi vaateid.

See ei tähenda, et Iisrael või Netanyahu oleksid laitmatud. Pole kahtlust, et Iisraeli poliitika asunduste rajamiseks kogu Läänekaldal on muutnud rahulepingu saavutamise keerulisemaks - ja juudi asulate olemasolu, mida tuleb kaitsta Palestiina rahvastikukeskuste lähedal, on muutnud Palestiina elu raskemaks.

Netanyahu kõne sisaldas (lisaks optimistlikule positiivsusele) ühte uut elementi. Netanyahu kutsus Abbast üles lõpetama Iisraeli rahva peade kohal rääkimise ja tulema Jeruusalemma Knessetisse rääkima. Egiptuse president Anwar Sadat mõistis Iisraeli rahva psühholoogiat. Kui Sadat Iisraeli tuli ja Knesseti poole pöördus, kuulutades julgelt: „EI OLE enam sõda”, lõpetas ta tõhusalt Iisraeli-Egiptuse sõjad. Üksikasjade läbirääkimine võttis aega, kuid pärast seda kõnet olid iisraellased nõus rahu eest taanduma igast Siinai sentimeetrist.

Kui Abbas võtab Netanyahu väljakutse vastu ja peab kõne, milles kuulutab - lõpetame oma sõjaseisukorra Iisraeliga, võtame vastu 1947. aasta jagatud piiridega plaani ja nõustume pagulaste rahalise hüvitamisega - konflikt lõpeb. Iisraeli poolel oleks neid, kes annaksid endast parima, et peatada igasugune tagasitõmbumine (uskudes, et Jumal andis selle maa Iisraelile ja seetõttu on patt sellest loobuda.) on endiselt vähemuses. Viie või kümne aasta pärast, kes teab, milline olukord on.

Nagu öeldud, oli Sadat oma kuulsa kõne pidamisel suurima Araabia riigi juht ja arvati, et ta oli 1973. aasta sõjas Iisraeliga seisma jäänud. Tal oli ükskõiksus konflikti lõpetamiseks gravitase ja isikliku kasvuga. Abbas, kellel pole kunagi olnud sellist positsiooni, mida Arafat nautis, ei ole võimeline sellist kõnet pidama - isegi kui ta seda sooviks. Seega näib, et praegu on iisraellastel ja palestiinlastel ette nähtud piinatud suhteid jätkata.

See on tragöödia mõlemale poolele, kuid veelgi enam palestiinlastele. Palestiinlased on kaugelt nõrgem pool. Nad on jälginud, kuidas nende üks jõud (st rahvusvaheline toetus) on kadumas, kui maailm muretseb pakilisemate probleemide pärast - ja Iisrael, nagu Netanyahu ütles, on nende katastroofide vastu võitlemisel oluline liitlane.

Iisraeli jaoks on tragöödia peenem, kuid mitte vähem tugev. Viiskümmend aastat tahtmatut okupatsiooni on kahjustanud Iisraeli ühiskonda. Pärast Liibanonist ja Gazast taandumist nägi enamik iisraellasi pärast seda, kui nägi korduvalt Iisraeli rahvastikukeskuste pihta tulistatud rakette, kuid enamus iisraellasi eelistab okupatsiooni tekitatud kahju, mitte ohtu, mida edasine väljaastumine võib tuua.

Maailm on Iisraeli-Palestiina probleemist edasi liikunud. Maailm ei suuda nende kahe osapoole konflikti lahendada - see tähendab, et seda saavad teha ainult iisraellased ja palestiinlased. Kahjuks pole kumbki pool valmis.

Obama Netanyahu 30.09.2013

Netanyahu süüdistab Abbast ELi kõnes, mis tekitab aplausi ja levitab vere laimu

JERUSALEM (JTA) — Iisraeli peaminister Benjamin Netanyahu süüdistas neljapäeval Euroopa Parlamendis Brüsselis peetud pöördumises Palestiina omavalitsuse presidenti Mahmoud Abbasi vere laimamise levitamises.

Kõnes, mis pälvis parlamendi esindajatelt suure aplausi, väitis Abbas, et Iisraeli rabid kutsusid sel nädalal üles Palestiina vee mürgitamist, raportit, millele ta ei viidanud ja mis kordab keskaegset antisemiitlikku laimu.

"Ka iisraellased teevad seda ... teatud rabiinid Iisraelis on oma valitsusele väga selgelt öelnud, et meie vesi tuleb palestiinlaste tapmiseks mürgitada," ütles ta.

Samuti süüdistas ta ülemaailmses terroris Iisraeli kontrolli Läänekaldal ja Jeruusalemma idaosas.

Ka USA juudi rühmitused lükkasid tema sõnad tagasi.

Abbas võis viidata Türgi riikliku pressiagentuuri Anadolu hiljutisele raportile, mis omistati Ramallahis Palestiina reporterile ja milles väideti, et Läänekalda rabi andis välja “ nõuandva arvamuse ja lubas juudi asunikel Palestiina vett mürgitada. Tundub, et loos ei ole rabi ega organisatsiooni, keda ta kirjeldab.

Sama päeva alguses keeldus Abbas kohtumast Iisraeli presidendi Reuven Rivliniga, mille parlamendi president oli pakkunud korraldada ajal, mil Abbas ja Rivlin Brüsselis viibisid.

"Keegi, kes keeldub kohtumast presidendi ja peaminister Netanyahuga otsekõnelusteks, kes propageerib Euroopa Parlamendis vere laimamist, valetab, kui ütleb, et tema käsi on rahus sirutatud," seisab peaministri avalduses. Kontor.

„Iisrael ootab päeva, mil Abu Mazen lõpetab valede levitamise ja õhutamisega tegelemise. Seni kaitseb Iisrael end Palestiina õhutamise eest, mis motiveerib terrorirünnakuid. ”

Abu Mazen on alternatiivne auväärne nimi Abbasele, kes kinnitas oma kõnes: "Kui okupatsioon lõpeb, kaob terrorism, ei ole enam terrorismi Lähis -Idas ega mujal maailmas."

Ameerika Juudikomitee tegevjuht David Harris nimetas Abbast avalduses, milles mõisteti hukka PA juht ja tema märkused.

Selle asemel, et Iisraeliga otse rahukõnelustele naasta, kuritarvitas Abbas rahvusvahelist platvormi, et pakkuda järjekordset tiraadi, mis on täis Iisraeli vastu suunatud leidmisi ja valeandmeid, ütles Harris.

“Abbas ’s pahatahtlik rünnak on vastuolus iga katsega, mida ta tegi suuliselt rahu andmiseks. Abbas hoidis tõepoolest kätt tagasi nii oma märkuste kui ka E.U. paluda tal kohtuda president Rivliniga.

Harris kirjeldas ka kui “absurd ” Abbas ’ deklaratsiooni, et ülemaailmne terrorism kaob ja kui okupatsioon lõpeb. ”

Laimamisvastase Liiga tegevjuht Jonathan Greenblatt ütles oma avalduses, et Abbas “jagas oma väiteid Iisraeliga leppimise vastu alussüüdistustega juudi riigi vastu, mis meenutavad vanu antisemiitlikke stereotüüpe. 8221

“ Kahjuks ei ole Palestiina omavalitsuse vandenõu õhutamine uus. Tema süüdistused Iisraeli jõupingutustes Palestiina vee mürgitamiseks ja väited Iisraeli ülemaailmse terrorismi juure kohta on eriti murettekitavad ja olulised, seisab ADL -i avalduses.

Greenblatt lisas pidevaid aplausi märkides: “Kuidas saab Iisrael näha Euroopat ausa vahendajana, kui tema valitud ametnikud kiidavad kõnet, mis on täis valesid ja vale iseloomustusi? ”

Euroopa juudi kongress kutsus Euroopa juhte kõnet hukka mõistma.

"On mõistmatu, et välisriikide liider väljendab uhkelt Euroopa Parlamendis veriaalast laimamist ja teda ootavad suured aplausid," ütles EJC president#Moshe Kantor. "Kui paremäärmuslik poliitik oleks sarnaseid kommentaare esitanud, oleks nad õigesti diskrediteeritud, kuid Abbas on kangelasena ja see topeltstandard võimaldab tal vältida kontrolli rahvusvahelisel areenil ja läbirääkimiste tabelis.

„Ühes lühikeses kõnes tuletas Abbas maailmale meelde, et ta ei ole huvitatud rahust, õhutab jätkuvalt juutide ja Iisraeli vastu ning kasutab mõistetavat terrorihirmu Iisraeli vastu ründamiseks ja poliitiliste punktide kogumiseks. Ainus küsimus, mis jääb, on rahvusvahelise üldsuse reaktsioon sellisele pahatahtlikule ja pahatahtlikule kõnele. ”

Abbas keeldus kohtumisest Rivliniga, mille parlamendi president Martin Schultz oli pakkunud korraldada ja vahendada. Rivlin ütles, et tervitab kohtumist ja tal on väga kahju ” kuulda Abbasi tagasilükkamisest.


23.9.2016 Netanyahu ja Abbas kaks väga erinevat kõnet - ajalugu

Just seetõttu, et tal on rahvusvahelistest asjadest külmem vaade kui Obamast, on Netanyahu juhtkond teinud Iisraeli tugevamaks kui kunagi varem.

P eter Baker märkab täna hommikul saadetises midagi olulist: selle aasta ÜRO Peaassambleel ei ole Iisraeli/Palestiina küsimus enam tähelepanu keskpunktis. Alates The New York Times:

Nad astusid lavale üksteise järel kaks vananevat näitlejat kauakestvas draamas, mis on hakanud oma publikut kaotama. Kui Iisraeli ja Palestiina juhid neljapäeval ÜRO Peaassamblee suures saalis oma ridu ette kandsid, tundsid paljud orkestritoolidel stsenaariumi ära.

"Kohutavad kuriteod," süüdistas Palestiina president Mahmoud Abbas. "Ajalooline katastroof."

"Fanatism," vastas Iisraeli peaminister Benjamin Netanyahu. "Ebainimlikkus."

Hr Abbas ja hr Netanyahu on sellega nii kaua tegelenud, et on nende vahel pöördunud maailmaorganisatsiooni poole 19 korda, igal aastal pannes rahvusvahelise üldsuse loenguid pidama, loenguid pidama, hoiatama ja süümepiinu nägema. kaks rahvast. Nende kõned on täis kurvastust ja pahameelt, sest nad kutsuvad sadade ja isegi tuhandete aastate taguse ajaloo kummitusi oma seisukohaks.

Kuigi iga aasta leiab mõne uue keerdkäigu, sageli nüansirikka, mõnikord sütitava, on vaidlus kestnud piisavalt kaua, et maailm on hakanud edasi liikuma. Kui Iisraeli-Palestiina konflikt domineeris kunagi ÜRO aastakoosolekul, siis sel aastal on sellest saanud kõrvalnäitus, kuna hr Netanyahu ja hr Abbas võistlevad tähelepanu eest näiliselt pakilisemate kriiside vastu, nagu kodusõda Süürias ja ähvardus. Islamiriik.

Baker (ja arvatavasti paljud tema lugejad) ei lähe järgmise ilmselge küsimuse juurde: mida see meile asjaomaste juhtide suhtelise edu või ebaedu kohta ütleb? Tükk esitab nii Netanyahu kui ka Abbase ebaolulisena. Varem juhtisid nad maailmaareeni, kuid nüüd ei huvita kedagi nende lõputu tüli.

Tükk ei ütle, et see olukord on täpselt see, mida Iisrael soovib, ja see on palestiinlastele kohutav lüüasaamine. Abbas on see, kelle strateegia sõltub sellest, et Palestiina teema jääb maailma poliitikas esikohale ja keskmesse. Bibi soovib, et see teema vaikselt kustuks. Sel nädalal nägime ÜRO -s seda, et ükskõik kui palju Abbas ja palestiinlased ja paljud kaasamõtlejad protestiksid, liiguvad sündmused Bibi suunas.

Ameerika mõistusel on võib -olla ainult üks asi raskem töödelda kui tõsiasi, et president Obama on olnud kohutav välispoliitika president, ja see on see, et Bibi Netanyahu on erakordselt edukas Iisraeli peaminister. Aasias, Aafrikas, Ladina -Ameerikas liigub Iisraeli diplomaatia tugevuselt. Praktiliselt iga Araabia ja Lähis -Ida juht arvab, et Bibi on targem ja tugevam kui president Obama ning kuna Ameerika prestiiž kogu Lähis -Idas on Obama ajal langenud, on Iisraeli prestiiž - isegi seda vihkavate inimeste seas - kasvanud. Erinevalt Obamast toimis Bibi lähtestamine Venemaaga tegelikult. Tema pöördumine Aasiasse on olnud edukam kui Obama oma. Tal on olnud palju rohkem edu sildade rajamisel sunniitidest moslemitele kui president Obamal ning nii Venemaa kui ka Iraan võtavad Bibit ja tema punaseid jooni palju tõsisemalt kui Obama väljaütlemisi ja vaga lootusi.

Põhjus, miks Bibi on Obamast edukam olnud, on see, et Bibi mõistab maailma toimimist paremini kui Obama. Bibi usub, et rahvusvahelise poliitika karmis maailmas kasutas võim targalt asju rohkem kui häid kavatsusi kõnekalt sõnastatud. Obama püüdis ehitada sildu sunniitide moslemite juurde, pidades kõnekad kõned Kairos ja Istanbulis, ignoreerides samas jõupoliitilist tegelikkust, millest sunniitide riigid kõige rohkem hoolisid - näiteks Iraani tõus ja sunniitide põhjus Süürias. Bibi luges sunniite selgemalt kui Obama, kui Iisraeli võimu väärtus sunniitide maailmale, kes on mures Iraani pärast, on viinud Iisraeli piirkondliku positsiooni revolutsioonile. Jällegi arvas Obama, et Moslemi Vennaskonnaga (sealhulgas selle Palestiina sidusettevõttega Hamas) pöördumine aitaks kaasa Ameerika diplomaatiale ja Lähis -Ida demokraatiale. Bibi mõistis, et sunniitlikud riigid nagu Egiptus ja selle liitlased Saudi Araabias tahavad Hamasi purustada. Seega, kui Obama üritas Gaza sõda lõpetada Hamasi ja tema liitlaste jaoks vastuvõetavatel tingimustel, nautis Bibi nii Egiptuse kui ka Saudi Araabia toetust, et edukalt püüda Obama jõupingutusi blokeerida. Iisraeli naabritele ei pruugi Bibi meeldida, kuid nad usuvad, et saavad temale loota. Nad võivad arvata, et Obamal on ilusaid ideid, millest ta sügavalt hoolib, kuid nad arvavad, et ta on ebakindel, ebausaldusväärne ega mõista neid ega nende muresid.

Obama on ambitsioonikas realist, kes soovis töötada koos ebademokraatlike juhtidega praktiliste kokkulepete nimel. Kuid Obama, hoolimata tema juhitava riigi tohutust võimust, ei ole suutnud saavutada sellist austust juhtidelt nagu Putin ja Xi, mis võimaldaks luua pragmaatilisi suhteid, mida ta soovis luua. Bibi on praktiseeriv realist, kellel on õnnestunud seal, kus Obama ebaõnnestus. Bibil on Putiniga praktilised suhted. Nad teevad koostööd seal, kus nende huvid seda võimaldavad ja kus nende huvid põrkuvad, austab Putin Bibi punaseid jooni. Obama pöördumine Aasiasse viis USA -d Indiale ja Jaapanile lähemale, kuid on avanud sügava ja ohtliku lõhe Hiinaga. Bibi juhtimisel on Iisraelil tugevamad ja sügavamad suhted India, Hiina ja Jaapaniga kui kunagi varem ning Aasia võib nende suhete arenedes asendada Euroopa kui Iisraeli peamised kaubandus- ja investeerimispartnerid.

Abbasi tõrjutus ÜROs ei peegelda ainult maailma muret naabruskonna suuremate kriiside pärast. See peegeldab ülemaailmset arusaama, et a) sunniitlikud araabia riigid on üldiselt vähem võimsad kui varem ja b) osaliselt halveneva olukorra tõttu hoolivad sunniitlikud araabia riigid Palestiina probleemist vähem kui varem. Seetõttu on Aafrika riigid, kes varem araablaste surve tõttu Iisraeli vältisid, nüüd hea meelega Iisraeliga erinevates majandus- ja kaitseküsimustes. India vältis osaliselt Iisraeli kartuses, et tema enda Kashmiri probleem „palestiinistatakse” oma araabia naabrite ja kolmanda maailmaga suureks probleemiks. Isegi Jaapan ja Hiina olid Iisraeli liiga avalikult omaks võtmisel ettevaatlikud, arvestades araabia maailma võimu ja selle tähtsust nii energiaturgude maailmas kui ka mitteliitunud liikumises. Enam mitte.

Paratamatult vähendasid kõik need arengud Palestiina teema olulisust maailmapoliitikas ja isegi araabia poliitikas ning tugevdavad Iisraeli positsiooni piirkonnas ja kaugemalgi. Obama ei ole kunagi tegelikult aru saanud, et Netanyahu on oma strateegia sellest lähtunud. Iroonilisel kombel on suur osa araabia võimu vähenemisest tingitud arengutest Ameerika Ühendriikides. Murdmine on muutnud OPECi dünaamikat ja Obama kallutamine Iraani poole on kiirendanud sunniitlike araabia võimu kriisi. Netanyahu mõistab Obama riigi ja Obama poliitika mõju Lähis -Idale paremini kui Obama. Bibi, nagu ka paljud teised liidrid üle maailma, on suutnud saavutada märkimisväärset rahvusvahelist kasu, kasutades ära lüngad president Obama arusaamades maailmast ja analüüsides viise, kuidas saada kasu Obama poliitika soovimatutest tagajärgedest ja kõrvalmõjudest, mis seda ei teinud. ei lähe nii, nagu Obama lootis.

Bibi edu ei suuda ega saa Iisraeli probleeme ja väljakutseid kaotada. Ja Palestiina küsimusele toimiva lahenduse leidmine jääb midagi, mida Iisrael ei saa eirata nii praktilistel kui ka moraalsetel põhjustel. Kuid Iisraelil on täna tugevam ülemaailmne positsioon kui Bibi ametisse astudes, ei saa keegi seda otse öelda president Obama juhitud rahva kohta. Millal ja kui Ameerika liberaalid mõistavad nii Bibi edu kui ka Obama tagasilöökide põhjuseid, siis võib alata Ameerika välispoliitilise arutelu uus ja targem ajastu.


Trump ja Netanyahu 2016. aasta AIPAC-i kõned olid Iisraeli-Araabia rahupakkumiste 2020. aasta eelkäijad

Abraham Accords: kahe liidri 2016. aasta kõned esitasid nägemuse, mis on suures osas teoks saanud Trumpi ametiajal.

  • Jaga seda lugu
  • Facebook
  • Twitter
  • Parler
  • Gab
  • Mina
  • Reddit
  • E -post
  • LinkedIn
  • Pinterest
  • Digg
  • Prindi
  • Puhver
  • Tasku
  • WhatsApp
  • Blogger
  • Yahoo Mail
  • Tahvel
  • Viber
  • Skype
  • Facebook Messenger
  • Kopeeri link
  • Jaga seda lugu
  • Pinterest
  • LinkedIn
  • Digg
  • Prindi
  • Puhver
  • Tasku
  • WhatsApp
  • Blogger
  • Yahoo Mail
  • Tahvel
  • Viber
  • Skype
  • Facebook Messenger
  • Kopeeri link

Viimastel kuudel Iisraeli ning erinevate araabia ja moslemiriikide vahel sõlmitud rahulepped ja Aabrahami lepingud tundusid viis aastat tagasi või ausalt öeldes isegi viis kuud tagasi mõeldamatud.

Araablaste ja moslemite vaenu Iisraeli suhtes lubati diplomaatilises maailmas liiga kaua, kui mitte julgustada. Tundus, et praeguse olukorra muutmiseks pole tõukejõudu.

Selle nädala alguses, ajalehes Newsweek kirjutades, imestas Seth Frantzmann muudatuste üle ja märkis, et Iisraeli isolatsiooni aktsepteeriti liiga kaua:

Iisraeli isolatsiooni aktsepteerimine ja juutide ajaloo kustutamine Lähis -Idas on olnud avatud haav kogu piirkonnale. Seda poleks pidanud kunagi juhtuma. Iisrael ja mõned araabia riigid pidasid 1948. aastal sõda ning on õiguspärased põhjused, miks palestiinlased ja nende toetajad Iisraeli poliitika vastu olid. Kuid sarnased kohutavad sõjad, nagu näiteks India ja Pakistani vaheline sõda 1948. aastal, ei toonud kaasa kümneid riike, kes ei tunnistanud Indiat või teesklesid, et hindu ei eksisteeri. Normaliseerimine ja diplomaatilised suhted on kõige põhilisemad geopoliitilised normid kogu maailmas. Ometi nõustusid paljud poliitikud, nagu USA endine riigisekretär John Kerry, kes nõudis Iraaniga suhtlemist, pimesi tõsiasja, et nii paljud riigid ei normaliseerinud sidemeid Iisraeliga.

Võib -olla ei osatud Iisraeli normaliseerumist mitmete naabritega ette näha. Kuid kahe mehe nägemused olid järjekindlad 2016. aasta märtsis, kui nad mõlemad esinesid AIPACi poliitikakonverentsil. Need mehed on Donald Trump ja Benjamin Netanyahu.

Tollal oli Trump kuulsusteärimees teel vabariiklaste presidendikandidaadi püüdmisele. Netanyahu oli Iisraeli peaministrina teist korda ametis seitsmendat aastat ja kolmandat ametiaega järjest. Oli möödunud aasta sellest, kui Netanyahu oli Kongressi ees rääkinud tuumakokkuleppe vastu, mille üle siis läbirääkimisi peeti.

Kõnedes olid erinevad osad, mis toona mu tähelepanu köitsid. Kuid neid nüüd uuesti lugedes ja ligi viieaastase ajaloo eeliseid tagantjärele vaadates olid Trumpil ja Netanyahul täiendavad nägemused. Võib -olla ei näinud nad ette Iisraeli normaliseerumist, mis tegelikult aset leiab, kuid mõistsid selgelt, et tingimused selle eesmärgi saavutamiseks on olemas või neid saab luua.

Minu tähelepanu köitis see osa Trumpi kõnest, mis:

Kui elate ühiskonnas, kus tuletõrjujad on kangelased, tahavad väikesed lapsed olla tuletõrjujad. Kui elate ühiskonnas, kus kangelased on sportlased ja filmitähed, tahavad väikesed lapsed olla sportlased ja filmitähed.

Palestiina ühiskonnas on kangelased need, kes tapavad juute. Me ei saa lasta sellel jätkuda. Me ei saa lasta sellel enam juhtuda.

Te ei saa rahu saavutada, kui terroriste koheldakse märtritena. Terroristide ülistamine on tohutu rahu takistus.

Palestiina ebaõigluse kaebuste esikohale seadmise asemel ütles Trump, et nad peavad näitama, et nad on rahuks valmis. See polnud pelgalt retooriline küsimus, see oli poliitika, mida ta järgis.

Trumpi ja Lähis -Ida poliitika kriitikud ütlevad, et ta jättis palestiinlased kõrvale. Tegelikult kutsus ta neid üles oma plaani ostma. Samuti nõudis ta, et nad lõpetaksid terrorismi stimuleerimise. Mõlemas osas nad keeldusid.

Samuti lubas Trump kolida USA saatkonna Jeruusalemma. See oli lubadus, mida ta täitis.

Oma kõnes vaatas kandidaat lühidalt üle ka Palestiina keeldumise sõlmida rahu viimase kuusteist aastat ja lõpetas selle ajaloo järgmiselt: “Presidendiks saades lõpevad päevad, mil Iisraeli koheldi teise klassi kodanikuna. ” See oli märkimisväärne tagasipöördumine president Obama poolt ja#8217 teatasid lubadusest panna USA ja Iisraeli vahele rohkem päevavalgust.

Üldisemalt mõistis Trump ÜRO hukka, öeldes, et ÜRO ei ole demokraatia, vabaduse ega USA sõber ega ole kindlasti Iisraeli sõber. ” Samuti kritiseeris ta ÜRO saamise ideed kehtestada lahendus Iisraeli ja palestiinlaste vahelisele konfliktile. Pigem kutsus ta üles kahe poole vahel tehingut sõlmima. Trump viskas ka tuumaleppe Iraaniga prügikasti.

Kuid oluline on see, et Trump kaitses vabandamatult Iisraeli. Araabia Ühendemiraadid, Bahrein, Sudaan ja Maroko on Iisraeliga kokkuleppeid sõlminud osaliselt seetõttu, et nad nägid, et USA toetab Iisraeli täielikult.

Netanyahu kõne kattis sarnaselt palju maad ja see oli palju vähem vastuoluline. Isegi kui ta meenutas oma erimeelsusi Obama administratsiooniga, kordas Netanyahu tugevat liitu USA -ga ja Iisraeli toetust administratsioonilt. Kuid see osa, mis mulle tõesti silma paistis, oli järgmine:

Esiteks positiivne suundumus: iga päev maanduvad kõrgetasemelised delegatsioonid Ben-Gurioni lennujaama. Nad on pärit Ameerikast. Nad on pärit Euroopast. Üha enam on nad pärit Aasiast, Aafrikast ja Ladina -Ameerikast. Kuna paljud neist seisavad silmitsi võitleva islami tõusu ja sellega kaasneva terrorismiga, tulevad nad Iisraeli oma julgeolekut tugevdama. Nad soovivad Iisraeli tõestatud julgeoleku- ja luurevõimest õppida, kuidas oma rahvast paremini kaitsta.

Kuid nad tulevad ka Iisraeli, sest tahavad oma majandust Iisraeli tehnoloogia abil täiendada. Ja mõjuval põhjusel: Iisraeli oskusteave toidab maailma arvuteid, navigeerib autodes, kaitseb pangakontosid. See tõi kaasa läbimurde hulgiskleroosi, Parkinsoni tõve, Alzheimeri ja#8217 ravis. See aitab põllumajandustootjatel üle kogu maailma saada rohkem põllukultuure, toota rohkem piima, säästa rohkem vett. Niisiis, kõikidel nendel põhjustel jõuab maailm Iisraeli. Täna on meil diplomaatilised suhted 161 riigiga - rohkem kui kunagi varem meie ajaloos. Ja muide, nii palju riike pole jäänud. Maailmas on vaid umbes 200 riiki.

Olin teadlik, millest Netanyahu rääkis, kuid ma ei jaganud tema optimismi tuleviku suhtes. Kuid isegi kui ma toona kahtlesin, oli see siis, kui Iisrael asus Aafrikasse diplomaatilisi samme astuma ning peagi kiitlevad Netanyahu ’ -d, et Iisrael on mujal maailmaga diplomaatiliste suhete saavutamisel hästi tundunud. .

Me ei pruugi teada kõiki tegureid, mis viisid tehinguteni. Usun, et mitte väike osa sellest oli Iraani ühine oht. Iraani tuumaarhiivi avastanud spiooniagentuuri Mossad juht Yossi Cohen oli üks diplomaatia võtmeisikuid. Haviv Rettig Gur, Times of Israel, väitis aga hiljuti, et see on midagi enamat kui Iraan: AÜE ja teised Iisraeliga rahu sõlminud riigid tahavad teada, mis on Iisraeli edu saavutanud.

Sõltumata sellest, kui juhtub midagi ajaloolist, juhtub see seetõttu, et võimalusi luuakse või need on olemas ning näitlejad, kes selle ellu viivad, saavad sellest aru. Ma ei tea, kas Trumpil või Netanyahul oli aimugi tehingutest, mida Iisrael järgneva nelja ja poole aasta jooksul sõlmib, kuid nad mõlemad andsid erineval viisil aru, et Iisraelil on võimalus seal oli diplomaatilisemalt aktsepteeritud. Kuid ilma nendeta poleks neid tehinguid tõenäoliselt toimunud.


Seotud artiklid

ÜROs on Netanyahu trikid otsa saanud, tema kirg kadunud ja isegi Iraan pole enam see, mis ta oli

Netanyahu teeb ÜRO publiku ees oma tavapärase löögi null ootustega

Abbas ÜROs: palestiinlased esitavad Julgeolekunõukogu resolutsiooni Iisraeli asulate vastu

Muidugi on lihtsam ja loomulikum naeratusega väljuda, kui teie portfell ei sisalda kaitsmega tuumapommi ega surmalaagrite aerofotosid ega Gazani lasteaias peidetud Qassami raketi pilte.

Ometi tundis muutus kindlasti värskendavat inimest, kes eelnevatel aastatel tundus olevat armunud vihase prohveti, vilepuhuja ja halva teate kandja rolli. Vandunud pessimistist ja kroonilisest pimeduse nägijast sai temast väsimatu optimist - niivõrd, et ta võttis end käest ja võrdles endise presidendi Shimon Peresiga.

Netanyahu läks nii kaugele, et avas oma kõne optimistliku sõnumiga eelseisvatest päevadest - roosilisest ja südantsoojendavast - Iisraeli jaoks vaenulikus diplomaatilises areenis, mis pole seda kunagi õiglaselt kohtlenud. Need lõigud olid liiga tugevalt läbi viidud viletsuse, ohvrite ja enesehaletsuse väljenditega. See stiil saavutas oma apogee, kui esineja avaldas teda katkestanud aplausi pärast mõnevõrra võlts üllatust: „Jätkuv aplaus Iisraeli peaministrile peaassambleel? Muutus võib tulla varem, kui ma arvasin, ”nurises ta võluvalt.

Süüdistused, mille ta ÜROle esitas - mõne selle organisatsiooni käitumise kohta - olid kindlasti asjakohased. Ta andis neile kasvatustunni. Ja iisraellastele kodus meeldis seda kuulda. Tema rünnak Palestiina presidendi Mahmoud Abbasi vastu, kes rääkis vahetult enne teda, oli ehk kõige õigustatum: Abbasi nõue, et Suurbritannia vabandaks kohe Balfouri deklaratsiooni pärast, mis lubas juudi rahvale riigi, oli petlik ja naeruväärne. Vastus, mida ta kannatas Netanyahu käest, kes tegi ettepaneku esitada Aabrahami vastu ühishagi, oli hullumeelne.

Peaaegu üleliigne on öelda, et kõne oli suurepärane, Netanyahu on suurepärane avalik esineja, et sõnad voolasid tema huultelt nagu kastepiisad külmast õllepudelist.

Etendus kordub igal aastal, kuid ainet pole kunagi. Neljapäeval tõmbas Netanyahu kübarast välja veel ühe küüliku, kui ta pöördus otse Abbase poole ja kutsus teda Jeruusalemma Knessetiga rääkima ning tegi ettepaneku, et ta ise pöörduks Ramallahis Palestiina parlamendi poole.

Mõnus PR -trikk - kelle tõenäosus juhtuda on muidugi peaaegu null. Netanyahu teatas, et Iisrael tervitab "Araabia rahualgatuse vaimu" (tõenäoliselt see osa, mis räägib rahust kõigi araabia riikidega), ning rääkis entusiastlikult araabia riikide suhtumise Iisraeli suhtes muutumisest. He called on the UN to come to its senses and act like them, understand that Israel is not the enemy but a partner in the fight against militant Islam and the Iranian insanity.

The blame game between Israeli and Palestinian leaders has been the norm at these UN speeches over the past seven years, the Netanyahu-Abbas era. It is exhausting, depressing and frustrating — except for those Israelis who are encouraged by the fact that, even at the end of this round of speeches, an agreement between Israel and the Palestinians has not shifted even an millimeter closer, and the risk of further conflict didn’t move an inch, either.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and U.S. President Barack Obama meet in New York, September 21, 2016. Kevin Lamarque/Reuters


Netanyahu Ready to Go to Paris ‘Tomorrow’ for Direct 2-State Talks with Abbas

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Monday met with his French counterpart Manuel Valls in Jerusalem, and the two issued a joint statement dealing with the common goals of Israel and France as well as the solution to the Israeli-Arab conflict which would include two states for two peoples.

“Although we disagree as to the best way to reach peace, I appreciate your commitment to seek peace,” Netanyahu told Valls. “I know how important it is for you to bring an end to the terrible violence that has been taking place in our region for too long, and I wish to thank you and President Hollande for your commitment to peace.”

Referring to the French peace initiative which is expected to take place in Paris in a week and a half without direct involvement of the two sides in the conflict, Netanyahu insisted that the only way to reach peace is through direct negotiations with the PA Arabs. “In a direct negotiation the Palestinian leadership would be forced to face a clear choice, and the choice is simple — recognize the Jewish State or continue to educate their people that some day Israel will disappear,” Netanyahu said. “And I urge you not to allow the Palestinian leadership to evade this tough choice.”

Netanyahu told Valls that he would be ready to embrace a French initiative if it would include direct negotiations between himself and the Chairman of the Palestinian Authority Mahmoud Abbas. “Every problematic issue will be on the negotiating table — mutual recognition, incitement, borders, refugee, as well as the settlements,” Netanyahu promised. “I’m ready to clear my schedule and fly to Paris tomorrow. Actually, I believe tomorrow we’re expanding the government, but the day after. And this is an open-ended offer. I’ll clear my agenda. And I hope you and the Palestinians will agree.”

Netanyahu also addressed the French vote last month at UNESCO, in favor of a resolution that referred to the Temple Mount and the Western Wall by their Arab names only and rejected any Jewish “claim” on the history of the holy sites. He congratulated Valls on his apology over the matter and his admission that it had been a mistake.

Prime Minister Valls promised to pass Netanyahu’s offer regarding the peace negotiations to President Hollande. “We are in favor of anything that would contribute to the peace,” Valls said. “We can discuss it, and we will make all the necessary clarifications. The discussion, I’m certain, will be most direct. But don’t doubt for one minute our will to do whatever is possible for peace, our commitment and my personal commitment in the fight against anti-Semitism, and the complete and unequivocal certainty that the Jewish roots of Jerusalem are completely indisputable.”


Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s Speech at the AIPAC Policy Conference 2016

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, today (Tuesday, 22 March 2006), delivered the following speech (via satellite feed) to the AIPAC Policy Conference:

“Good morning, America. Good morning, AIPAC.And a special good morning to the 4,000 students who are cutting class today to be with AIPAC in Washington. Greetings to all of you from Jerusalem.

I first want to send my condolences to the families of those murdered in today’s terrorist attacks in Brussels. The chain of attacks from Paris to San Bernardino to Istanbul to the Ivory Coast and now to Brussels, and the daily attacks in Israel – this is one continuous assault on all of us. In all these cases the terrorists have no resolvable grievances. It’s not as if we could offer them Brussels, or Istanbul, or California, or even the West Bank. That won’t satisfy their grievances. Because what they seek is our utter destruction and their total domination. Their basic demand is that we should simply disappear. Well, my friends, that’s not going to happen. The only way to defeat these terrorists is to join together and fight them together. That’s how we’ll defeat terrorism – with political unity and with moral clarity. I think we have that in abundance.

And I want to thank today the leadership of AIPAC and each and every one of you. I thank you for the tremendous support you’ve provided Israel over so many years. I thank you for the clear and unequivocal stand you took last year during the nuclear Iran deal debate, a debate critical for Israel’s security.And that debate, though intense, did not undermine the unbreakable alliance between Israel and the United States.

As part of that great alliance, America has generously provided Israel with many of the tools we need to defend ourselves.We are now working on a new agreement to help bolster Israel’s security in the years to come. I hope we can conclude that agreement soon. And I take this opportunity once again to thank President Obama for his support, including for ballistic missile defense. Israel deeply appreciates it, and we also deeply appreciate the strong bipartisan support for Israel in Congress and the strong, overwhelming support for Israel among the American people. Year after year, the overwhelming majority of Americans stand with Israel. They know something profound, that stands out for all to see today. They know that Israel is an island of liberty and democracy, that Israel must never be an issue that divides Americans, but a great cause of liberty that unites Americans.

My friends ,two weeks ago, I visited Yodfat in northern Israel .It was there, 2,000 years ago, that the Romans began their military campaign against the Jews. I’m holding in my hand right now an exact replica of an arrow found at Yodfat – one of thousands used by the Romans in their war to crush Jewish independence.Yet two millennia later, the Jewish people are once again free and sovereign in our ancient homeland. And in rebuilding our land, our state, our economy, our army, our science, our culture, we’ve achieved remarkable successes. But it’s true we also face great challenges. We are in fact today witnessing two contradictory trends.

First, the positive trend: Every day high-level delegations land at Ben-Gurion Airport. They come from America. They come from Europe.Increasingly they come from Asia, from Africa, from Latin America. As many of them confront the rise of militant Islam and its accompanying terrorism, they come to Israel to strengthen their security. They wish to learn from Israel’s proven security and intelligence capabilities how to better protect their own people.

But they also come to Israel because they want to upgrade their economies with Israel’s technology. And for good reason: Israel’s know-how is powering the world’s computers, navigating its cars, protecting its bank accounts. It’s led to breakthroughs in treating Multiple Sclerosis, Parkinson’s, Alzheimer’s. It helps farmers around the world yield more crops, produce more milk, conserve more water.So, for all these reasons, the world is coming to Israel. Today we have diplomatic relations with 161 countries – more than at any time in our history. And by the way, there are not that many countries left. There are only about 200 countries in the world.

But alongside this positive trend, there is a second, negative trend. While Israel is embraced by a growing number of individual nations, there are those who seek to malign Israel among the nations, and especially in the United Nations. At the UN, Israel, the Middle East’s only true democracy, is slandered like no other country on earth. At the UN, Israel is subjected to consistent, systematic discrimination. Only Israel is permanently scheduled for condemnation at the UN Human Rights Council – not Iran, not Syria, not North Korea. Only Israel is hounded by UN bodies expressly established to delegitimize its very existence. Only Israel is condemned every year by 20 hostile resolutions in the UN General Assembly. The UN, my friends, has a shameful record of singling out Israel for castigation and condemnation. So I have a question for you. Why would anyone think that the UN could decide on a fair and secure peace for Israel?

Yet amazingly, there are some who believe exactly that. They seek to impose terms on Israel in the UN Security Council. And those terms would undoubtedly be stacked against us. They always are. So such an effort in the UN would only convince the Palestinians that they can stab their way to a state.Mind you, not a state next to Israel, but a state instead of Israel. A Security Council resolution to pressure Israel would further harden Palestinian positions, and thereby it could actually kill the chances of peace for many, many years. And that is why I hope the United States will maintain its longstanding position to reject such a UN resolution.

I was glad to hear the presidential candidates from both parties reaffirm this basic principle. Peace won’t come through UN Security Council resolutions, but through direct negotiations between the parties.

The best formula for achieving peace remains two states for two peoples, in which a demilitarized Palestinian state finally recognizes the Jewish state.Now, I know there’s some skepticism about my views on this. So let me state unequivocally, and here’s the acid test: I am ready to begin such negotiations immediately, without preconditions, anytime, anywhere. That’s a fact. But President Abbas is not ready to do so. That’s also a fact. There is political will here in Jerusalem. There’s no political will there in Ramallah.

For the last five-and-a-half years, President Abbas has refused to sit down and talk with me even for a minute.But that doesn’t mean he’s been silent. He has helped inculcate a new generation of young Palestinians with murderous hatred for Israel.And my friends, this incitement has deadly consequences. Palestinian children are taught to stab Jews. They are taught that the goal of the Palestinian people is not to establish a state on the West Bank, but in all of Israel – in Akko, Haifa, Nazareth, Jaffa.

Now, what I’m about to show you is deeply disturbing. I think you have to see for yourselves what the Palestinians are teaching their children. I want you to see the daily Pledge of Allegiance of Palestinian children. Take a look.

This is sick. It’s inexcusable. My friends, that little girl wasn’t born hating. She was taught to hate, as were the Palestinians who murdered the American student Taylor Force, and other American citizens in recent months. You’ve already heard what an impressive young man Taylor was, but President Abbas’s Fatah movement praised Taylor’s killer as – and I quote this – as “a hero and a martyr”. Now, that’s not from Hamas that’s coming from Abbas. And now the Palestinians will spur even more terrorism by rewarding the families of murderers – including those who murdered Americans – with a regular monthly payment.

So the message they send to Palestinians is clear: terrorism pays – literally.

If the international community really wants to advance peace, it must demand that the Palestinians stop poisoning the minds of their children. If the international community wants to advance peace, it must address the true core of the conflict: the persistent Palestinian refusal to accept a Jewish state in any borders.

So there’s bad news, but there’s also some good news. While the Palestinians are stuck in their refusal to make peace, others are moving forward. First, Israel’s peace agreements with Egypt and Jordan have weathered many storms. Second, increasingly our other neighbors recognize that we have common interests. They understand that we face the same threats from Iran and from ISIS. Now, I can tell you from a perspective of my lifetime: This is a historic change. I believe it offers a unique opportunity to advance peace. And we are working every day to seize that opportunity.

I am confident that over time the trend of embracing Israel will overcome the trend of maligning Israel, because ultimately freedom beats tyranny, and ultimately, when vigorously defended, truth beats lies. So I believe that Israel faces a future of promise. I believe that when we stand together, all of us, we can overcome all the challenges facing us.

And of these challenges, none is greater than Iran’s unrelenting aggression.Iran remains fully committed to genocide – our genocide. Its leaders loudly, openly, even proudly, they say and proclaim that their goal is to destroy Israel.Iran sends deadly weapons to Hezbollah in Lebanon against us. It bankrolls Hamas and Islamic Jihad in Gaza against us.It seeks to open a new terror front on the Golan against us.And it offers thousands of dollars for each Palestinian terror attacks against us.

So here’s what I believe: I believe that both those who supported the nuclear deal and those who opposed it can, at the very least, work together to stop Iran’s aggression and terror and hold Iran accountable for its transgressions.

Since the nuclear deal, Iran has continued to conduct ballistic missile tests, in defiance of its international obligations.As you’ve heard, Iran recently fired a ballistic missile with a Hebrew inscription painted on it. It said, ‘Israel must be wiped out’.So ladies and gentlemen, the writing is not on the wall it’s on the missile.

Now my friends, an arrow just like this was shot by a Roman soldier at Yodfat.He was fighting to end Jewish independence once and for all.But imperial Rome is long goneand I am speaking to you today from our capital, Jerusalem, as the Prime Minister of the reborn Jewish state.We have restored our independence. We have restored our capacity to defend ourselves. Iran should learn this history and it should have no illusions.Israel will defend itself mightily against all those who seek to destroy us.And Iran should remember that today it’s not only the enemies of the Jewish people who have arrows.Today, the Jewish state can defend itself with powerful arrows of our own. Take a look.

The Arrow missile defense system is the product of Americans and Israelis working together. So I want to say again to all of you: Thank you America. Thank you AIPAC. Thank you for helping secure our common future, and a happy Purim to all of you. Thank you.”


Benjamin Netanyahu Administration: Remarks With Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu met with Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta in Jerusalem on February 23, 2016. The two leaders signed a joint statement on water that focuses on cooperation on water and agricultural issues and establishes a joint bilateral committee. After the signing, they met privately and then held an expanded meeting in which they and their delegations discussed security and the fight against terrorism as well as bilateral cooperation on - inter alia - cyber, energy, agriculture, water, irrigation and public health issues. This was the first visit of a Kenyan President to Israel since 1994.

Prime Minister Netanyahu

Mr. President, It's a pleasure to welcome you and your colleagues to Jerusalem. This is your first visit to Israel as the President of Kenya.

We have had a remarkable relationship between our two peoples. It's a partnership that dates back over half a century. Your father, Jomo Kenyatta, is the founding father of the Kenyan nation, and the leader of your country's struggle for independence. He was also the architect of the friendship between Israel and Kenya. He demonstrated that friendship most dramatically 40 years ago in helping Israel in the raid in Entebbe to rescue our hostages. This is something that has left a deep imprint on Israel. The people of Israel are grateful for that. And I'm personally grateful for that.

We have since developed our relationship in so many areas and it's a growing relationship. We speak regularly on the phone. We try in many ways to improve our relationship and bring it to new heights in so many areas.

The first area is a battle, our common battle against militant Islamic terrorism. Both our peoples have suffered at the hand of these, at the hands of these brutal terrorists. We have no illusions about them. They want to murder our people and we know that this is a common battle that we share with you and we're prepared to do a great deal more. In fact, Israel is willing and prepared to work with African countries in our common battle against militant Islamic terrorism. I have to say that more and more African countries recognizes what you recognize - that Israel is a unique partner against this extremism, that Israel is a unique partner in the way that we can work together to seize the opportunities of the future. And we're going to discuss these opportunities and these challenges today and what we do in security, and what we do in agriculture, and what we do in water and irrigation and technology in every field that touches our national life. Israel is prepared to work with Kenya and the countries of Africa. And I want to say that you are, in many ways, leading this direction. And I welcome that not merely in the context of our relationship with Kenya but in our relationship with the countries of Africa. Israel is coming back to Africa and Africa is coming back to Israel.

And we can have no better leader showing the way than President Kenyatta of Kenya. So I welcome you in that spirit to Israel and I look forward to our discussions.

Kenyan President Kenyatta

Prime Minister, may I just say first and foremost thank you on my own behalf and on behalf of my delegation for the very warm welcome that we've received since we arrived here in Jerusalem yesterday evening. And to say that for us this is a historic visit, as you have just mentioned. The strong partnership between Kenya and Israel stems all the way back to our independence, actually prior to our independence given the fact that your government made formal communication even to my own father while he was still actually on the house arrest.

With the spirit of us working together, we are both countries have had to struggle for our independence, we have fought for our independence and as such we value the issues of sovereignty, of independence and for the right to self-determination. We are founded on strong principles of democracy, strong principles of freedom of expression, principles of freedom of religious expression and I think this brings us together in many ways.

Equally, as I have said before, we both live in challenging neighborhoods with similar security concerns and the cooperation between our two governments since the time of our independence has been formidable and we look forward that this particular trip will strengthen those ties even further.

We have no room for extremism, we must do everything that we can to protect the freedoms and the beliefs and the principles and the common values that we share and we look forward to further strengthening our cooperation in the security area. We look forward to partnering with you and with the rest of the world in combatting violent extremism and all this in order to be able to give our people the freedoms necessary to be able to enjoy a prosperous, stable, free society. So, I am looking forward to engaging with you and your government in these ends as well as further deepening our cooperation in agriculture, as you said, in irrigation, in water management and the experiences that Israel itself has had as well as information technology where we in Kenya can learn a lot from your own particular experiences.

So Prime Minister on my own behalf, on behalf of my delegation, I thank you for the welcome. We have enjoyed our stay so far and I am looking forward to some very fruitful deliberations that will see a further deepening of the partnership and relationship between not only Kenya and Israel but also the strengthening of the partnership between Kenya, I mean - Israel and Africa. So once again, thank you for the welcome.

Laadige alla meie mobiilirakendus, et pääseda juurde juudi virtuaalsele raamatukogule


Is Netanyahu really finished? Is someone with only 7 seats really going to become prime minister? Did a Muslim Brotherhood party really agree to join Israel’s government? If this new government rises to power, is that good or bad?

DUBAI, UNITED ARAB EMIRATES—It was strange, I will admit, to be in an Arab country while the biggest day in Israeli politics in a generation unfolded back home.

Indeed, yesterday was the Super Bowl of Israeli politics.

The Knesset voted to elect a new President – Isaac “Bougie” Herzog – for a seven-year term.

Meanwhile, the leaders of the opposition informed the current President Reuven Rivlin that they have formed a new government after four rounds of elections in two years, no state budget and ongoing political chaos and confusion.

Yet, Yair Lapid and Naftali Bennett only called Rivlin minutes before their mandate expired at midnight.

And only after a day of intense – some might say “brutal" – negotiations between eight opposition parties who have very little in common with each other except that they want to remove Netanyahu from power.

All the while Netanyahu and his allies were doing everything they possibly could to stop, or at least slow down, their opponents from driving them out of power.

You thought the fireworks over Trump and Biden over the past year were intense?

That’s nothing compared to Israeli politics, which are truly a blood sport.

But what does all of it mean?

I’m getting questions from Evangelicals all over the world.

Let me try to answer some of them as best I can.

QUESTION: Is Benjamin “Bibi” Netanyahu really finished?

VASTUS: No, not yet. Let’s be honest. He’s in grave danger. But remember, Netanyahu is a shrewd political cat. You don’t become the longest-serving prime minister in the modern history of Israel without knowing how to engage in full metal jacket political combat. Or without having a few tricks up your sleeve.

At this point, I would not count Bibi out. Yes, many Israelis hate him. But he is still the most popular politician in Israel. His party, Likud, is still the biggest with 30 seats, almost double that of his main rival, Yair Lapid, whose Yesh Atid party has 17 seats.

And keep in mind that the coalition that Lapid and Bennett have formed is a hodgepodge of right-wing, centrist, and left-wing parties that have almost nothing in common with each other, as well as an Arab party that has never participated in an Israeli government before.

These are not people who are used to working with each other. Some of them deeply despise each other’s ideologies.

So this whole thing could blow apart at any moment.

That’s what Netanyahu and his allies will work toward, and it very well could happen.

QUESTION: Is someone with only seven seats in the Knesset really going to become the prime minister of Israel?

ANSWER: Maybe.

Naftali Bennett and his Yamina party only have seven seats – but actually, only five of his colleagues want to join this government. One says he will vote against it.

Never in Israeli history has the leader of a party with so few seats ever become premier.

The reason it could happen is that Lapid, with 17 seats, knows he cannot form a government without Bennett’s help.

Lapid, a centrist, also knows that Israel has become a center-right country, politically.

Thus, he could not depend only on centrist and left-wing parties to oust Netanyahu and bring about change.

He urgently needed right-wing parties.

That’s why Bennett became widely known as the “kingmaker” during the recent campaign, because everyone realized Lapid could never become king without Bennett’s help.

But now the kingmaker is poised to become the king.

To persuade Bennett to abandon Bibi and his right-wing allies, Lapid offered Bennett the opportunity to become prime minister for the first two years of their term, while Lapid would serve as Foreign Minister.

Then the two will switch roles after two years.

Bennett would have preferred to form a right-wing government with Netanyahu, despite his immense and growing frustrations with Netanyahu.

But Netanyahu could not persuade enough parties to join him to form an actual government.

So Bennett decided to take Lapid’s offer to prevent the country from being forced into a fifth round of elections.

QUESTION: Did a Muslim Brotherhood party really just agree to join an Israeli government?

ANSWER: Yes.

Ra’am is an Islamist party of Arab citizens of Israel.

Led by Mansour Abbas, it only has four seats in the Knesset, but yes, it is aligned with the Muslim Brotherhood.

Yet, as ALL ISRAEL NEWS has reported, Abbas is charting a very different path for his party.

He has denounced Arab violence against Jews, and Jewish violence against Arabs.

He is urging Israeli Arabs to become active in Israeli politics in order to get more funding for Arab cities and education, more police protection to fight crime in Arab cities, and so forth.

Not all Israeli Arabs agree with the direction Abbas is going. Indeed, most of his fellow Arab Knesset members are actively opposed to what he is doing.

But on Wednesday night, just minutes before the deadline, he signed on the dotted line and agreed to help form the next Israeli government to remove Netanyahu from power and make the right-wing Naftali Bennett the next prime minister.

Can this experiment work? Abbas may be fully committed to this move, but are the other three members of his party? Will they hold up under intense media and public pressure from Arabs who believe they should remain in opposition to every Zionist government, and those who cannot stand Bennett, saying he is more right-wing than Bibi?

To be clear, I have concerns about Abbas. I’m glad he wants to play a more constructive role and help his people. Suurepärane. Maybe he really is changing for the better. But he has said some pretty extreme things in the past. He has not exactly been a force for peace in the past. Just one example: Last year, Abbas voted against ratifying the Abraham Accords, normalizing relations with the UAE (where I am now), Bahrain, and others. Miks?

That said, it is not exactly fair for Netanyahu and his allies to attack Bennett, Lapid and the “change government” for embracing Abbas.

Pealegi, it was Netanyahu who first courted Abbas and tried to form a government with him.

Abbas was interested, and engaged in numerous talks with Bibi and his colleagues.

In the end, however, it was Bibi’s far right-wing political allies – led by Bezalel Smotrich – who refused to ever work side-by-side with Arabs.

So what will happen next? We will have to stay tuned.

QUESTION: If this change really happens, and this government is really formed, and Netanyahu is really removed from power, is that a good thing or bad?

ANSWER: First of all, that’s a whole lot of “ifs.”

I would recommend we wait to see what really happens.

If there is a new government, we can assess it honestly. And we can examine why Netanyahu lost his grip on power.

But we are simply not there yet.

First, I am not ready to write a political obituary for Netanyahu – there are just too many possible twists and turns in this story ahead.

Second, we need to see what the principles and the policies of the new government would be. What agreements have they actually signed? What would be their agenda? We know what the individual leaders and parties stand for, but we don’t know what this government stands for. Let’s wait to learn more before we decide.

Third, it should be noted that there is nothing immoral or fundamentally unwise about forming a government with centrist and left-wing parties. Netanyahu himself has formed numerous governments over the years with such parties. Bibi makes it sound like Yair Lapid is some kind of crazed, leftist, socialist, anti-Christ. But Bibi has brought Lapid into his government in the past and made him finance minister. So, keep in mind we are hearing a good deal of political hyperbole right now.

Fourth, one more thing should be noted: Evangelical Christians are going to have real and understandable concerns about this new government. Evangelicals have watched Netanyahu for three decades and despite his flaws and mistakes have come to deeply trust and respect him. Few Evangelicals have ever heard of Lapid or Bennett. They know little or nothing about these men, or their allies, and thus do not have respect and trust for them. Can it be earned? Jah. But it will take time.

For now, I would urge Christians to pray for the Lord’s will to be done, and for God to grant wisdom and mercy to whoever leads Israel’s next government.

Please also pray for the physical protection of Israel’s leaders, their families and their staffs.

Bennett and his ally, Ayelet Shaked, are particularly getting many death threats against them from far-right extremists who believe they have been betrayed.


Netanyahu: Israel Ready To Make Painful Concessions Palestinians Must, Too

Vice President Joe Biden and House Speaker John Boehner watch as Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu addresses lawmakers at the Capitol on Tuesday.

Saul Loeb /AFP/Getty Images

Many eyes were on Congress this morning as Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu addressed a joint meeting of the House and Senate.

His speech came on the heels of the very public disagreement the Israeli leader has had with President Obama over whether Israel's pre-1967 war borders should be the basis (assuming there will also be mutually agreed-upon land swaps) for peace talks with the Palestinians.

We updated this post with highlights from Netanyahu's address. Be sure to hit your "refresh" button to see our latest additions.

Update at 12:08 p.m. ET. At The End, Shades Of Reagan:

In a line that will remind many of President Reagan's "Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall" quote, as he approaches the end of his address Netanyahu says to Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas: "tear up your pact with Hamas. Sit down and negotiate. Make peace with the Jewish state."

Update at 12:05 p.m. ET. On Palestinian Efforts At The U.N.:

Turning to a bid by Palestinian leaders to get the U.N. to recognize a Palestinian state, Netanyahu says it must be "forcefully opposed" by those who want peace.

"Peace cannot be imposed, it must be negotiated," he says.

Update at 12:03 p.m. ET. Israel's Small Size Requires 'Unique Security Arrangements':

"Israel needs unique security arrangements because of its unique size," Netanyahu says. Turing to Vice President Biden, he says, "I'll grant you this. It's bigger than Delaware. It's even bigger than Rhode Island. But that's about it."

That small size, he says, requires that any future Palestinian state be demilitarized.

Update at noon ET. Jerusalem:

"As for Jerusalem, only a democratic Israel has protected the freedom of worship for all faiths in the city," Netanyahu says. "Jerusalem must never again be divided. Jerusalem must remain the united capital of Israel."

Update at 11:57 a.m. ET. On The '67 Borders:

"As President Obama said," Netanyahu continues, Israel's borders after any peace agreement "will be different" than they were before the 1967 war.

With that reference, he's focusing on Obama's statement that the '67 borders — with mutually agreed upon land swaps — should be the basis of peace talks.

Update at 11:56 a.m. ET. With Acceptance Of Israel, Compromise Can Follow:

If Palestinian leaders accept and endorse the right of Israel to exist, Netanyahu says, he will support significant compromises on Israel's part.

Update at 11:55 a.m. ET. Why Hasn't There Been A Peace Pact?

The reason a peace agreement hasn't been struck between Israel and the Palestinians, says Netanyahu, is that the other side is "unwilling to accept a Palestinian state if it meant accepting a Jewish state alongside it."

It is time for Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas to stand before his people and say "I will accept a Jewish state," Netanyahu says.

Update at 11:50 a.m. ET. Palestinians Deserve A Home:

Saying that the region is also the historical home for Palestinians, Netanyahu says he is committed to establishing a Palestinian state.

Update at 11:47 a.m. ET. Turning To The Peace Process:

"We must . find a way to forge a lasting peace with the Palestinians," says Netanyahu, and that will mean "painful concessions" on Israel's part that include ceding some places that are part of the Jewish homelands.

Update at 11:45 a.m. ET. Quest For Peace Will Continue:

"We must take calls for our destruction seriously," Netanyahu says. "We are a nation that rose from the ashes of the Holocaust. When we say 'never again,' we mean 'never again!' "

And while "Israel always reserves the right to defend itself," he continues, "we'll never give up our quest for peace . until we achieve it."

Update at 11:43 a.m. ET. How To Deal With Iran:

"The more Iran believes that all options are on the table, the less the chance for confrontation," says Netanyahu.

Update at 11:41 a.m. ET. Thanks For America's Support Regarding Iran:

"In much of the international community calls for our destruction are met with utter silence," Netanyahu says. "Many rush to condemn Israel for defending itself. . Not you. Not America."

Update at 11:38 a.m. ET. Iran:

"Powerful forces" oppose freedom in the Middle East and Israel's existence, Netanyahu says, and "foremost among these forces is Iran."

He warns that "time is running out. The hinge of history may soon turn. . The greatest danger of all could soon be upon us: a militant Islamic regime armed with nuclear weapons."

And Iran is working on missiles, Netanyahu says, that could deliver a nuclear weapon to Washington.

Update at 11:36 a.m. ET. Israel Is What Is Right:

Making the case that it's only in Israel where Arab citizens have democratic rights, Netanyahu declares that "Israel is not what is wrong about the Middle East, Israel is what is right about the Middle East."

Update at 11:35 a.m. ET. On The Arab Spring:

Referring to events in North Africa and the Mideast and the efforts by people there to promote democracy and reform, Netanyahu says that true freedom only comes when "governments permit protests in town squares . and when human rights cannot be crushed by tribal loyalties or mob rule."

Update at 11:31 a.m. ET. Thank You To Obama:

Shortly before the disruption, Netanyahu thanked President Obama for his "steadfast commitment to Israel's security."

Update at 11:29 a.m. ET. Disruption:

There was just a brief disruption when someone started shouting from the gallery. Lawmakers quickly drowned out the protester. And Netanyahu said "this is real democracy," to more cheers.

Update at 11:27 a.m. ET. "Good Riddance!" To bin Laden:

To a rousing ovation, Netanyahu says "congratulations Mr. President, you got bin Laden! Good riddance!"

Update at 11:25 a.m. ET. "No Better Friend":

"Israel has no better friend than America and America has no better friend than Israel!" Netanyahu declares.

Update at 11:24 a.m. ET. A Little Joke At The Start:

Referring to Vice President Biden, Netanyahu asks "Mr. Vice President do you remember the time when we were the new kids in town?" Biden laughed and did the sign of the cross.